In the hands of thieves and loonies

Economic ignorance beyond the superhuman. These people are certifiably insane but we elected them. You just have to see the numbers: Victoria’s budget John Cain/Joan Kirner to a new dimension.

Victoria’s debt bill will skyrocket to $154.8bn over the next four years even as the Andrews government bets that it can avoid a third wave of COVID-19 and kickstart a rapid economic recovery. Tim Pallas’s sixth state budget reveals the sea of red caused by the coronavirus crisis, with Victoria a whopping $23.3bn in deficit as the economy shrinks by 4 per cent this year after almost three decades of uninterrupted economic growth.

They must have already sold the State to the Chinese because there is zero means for these people to fix the books and pay these debts. And do let me add this:

The budget papers also reveal Victoria’s public service wages bill has soared almost 10 per cent this year – and will blow out by $6bn over the next four years. Mr Pallas defended the massive increase in borrowing, saying it had been recommended by the Reserve Bank and the federal government, and that interest charges – averaging 4.4 per cent of revenue a year – were manageable.

I want every Victorian politician’s retirement super to be discounted by five percent a year until the deficit is gone. And if this has been endorsed by Morrison, I want to hear him say so. None of them know a thing about managing an economy.

A shrink can sign you into a mental institution against your will

The only reason I know about this is because I was talking to a lawyer who had just had once of his clients released from a mental institution where he had been placed against his will. This is the legislation in regard to Temporary Treatment Orders from Victoria.

Key messages

  • Temporary treatment orders authorise the provision of compulsory mental health treatment.
  • An authorised psychiatrist may make a Temporary treatment order if the treatment criteria apply to a person subject to an Assessment Order or a Court Assessment Order.

Temporary treatment orders authorise the provision of compulsory mental health treatment.

An authorised psychiatrist may make a Temporary treatment order if the treatment criteria apply to a person subject to an Assessment Order or a Court Assessment Order.

Purpose of a Temporary treatment order

A Temporary treatment order enables an authorised psychiatrist to provide compulsory treatment to a person to whom the treatment criteria apply.

A Temporary treatment order also enables a patient:

Treatment criteria

The authorised psychiatrist must be satisfied that all of the treatment criteria apply to a person before making a Temporary treatment order.

The treatment criteria are:

  • the person has mental illness
  • because the person has mental illness, the person needs immediate treatment to prevent:
    • serious deterioration in the person’s mental or physical health or
    • serious harm to the person or another person
  • the immediate treatment will be provided to the person if the person is subject to a Temporary treatment orderthere is no less restrictive means reasonably available to enable the person to be immediately treated.

An authorised psychiatrist or their delegate who makes a person subject to a Temporary treatment order must be satisfied that if the Temporary treatment order is made the person will receive the immediate treatment. This means that services must be available to enable the person’s treatment.

The authorised psychiatrist or delegate making the Temporary treatment order must be satisfied that there is no less restrictive means reasonably available to enable the person to receive the immediate treatment, including whether the person can receive treatment on a voluntary basis.

Making a Temporary treatment order

An authorised psychiatrist may make a Temporary treatment order for a person who is subject to an Assessment Order or a Court Assessment Order if the authorised psychiatrist has examined the person and is satisfied that the treatment criteria apply to the person.

In determining whether the treatment criteria apply to the person, the authorised psychiatrist must to the extent reasonable in the circumstances have regard to all the following:

  • the person’s views and preferences about treatment of his or her mental illness and the reasons for those views and preferences including any recovery outcomes that the person would like to achieve
  • the views and preferences of the person expressed in his or her advance statement
  • the views of the nominated person
  • the views of the guardian
  • the views of the carer, if the authorised psychiatrist is satisfied that making a Temporary treatment order will directly affect the carer and the care relationship
  • the views of the parent of the person, if the person is under the age of 16 years
  • the views of the Secretary to the Department of Human Services if the person is the subject of a custody to Secretary order or a guardianship to Secretary order.

The authorised psychiatrist may consider other information communicated to the authorised psychiatrist by persons other than the person who was examined.

An authorised psychiatrist who made a person subject to an Assessment Order cannot conduct an assessment of the person and make the person subject to a Temporary treatment order.

Setting of a Temporary treatment order

An authorised psychiatrist who makes a Temporary treatment order for a person must determine whether the person can be treated in the community (Community temporary treatment order) or whether the person needs to be taken to a designated mental health service (Inpatient Temporary treatment order).

The Temporary treatment order must state whether it is a Community temporary treatment order or an Inpatient temporary treatment order.

In determining whether the Temporary treatment order has a community or inpatient setting the authorised psychiatrist must, to the extent reasonable in the circumstances, have regard to all of the following:

  • the person’s views and preferences about treatment of his or her mental illness and the reasons for those views and preferences including any recovery outcomes that the person would like to achieve
  • the views and preferences of the person expressed in his or her advance statement
  • the views of the nominated person
  • the views of the guardian
  • the views of the carer, if the authorised psychiatrist is satisfied that making a Temporary treatment order will directly affect the carer and the care relationship
  • the views of the parent of the person, if the person is under the age of 16 years
  • the views of the Secretary to the Department of Human Services if the person is the subject of a custody to Secretary order or a guardianship to Secretary order.

The authorised psychiatrist may only make a person subject to an Inpatient Temporary treatment order if the authorised psychiatrist is satisfied that the person cannot be treated in the community.

Contents of a Temporary treatment order

A Temporary treatment order must state whether the Temporary treatment order is a Community Treatment Order or an Inpatient Treatment Order.

A Temporary treatment order must also state the date and time the Order was made. It must state that the Temporary treatment order has a duration of 28 days unless it is revoked earlier

Duration of a Temporary treatment order

A Temporary treatment order remains in force for 28 days from the date the Order is made unless revoked earlier or if it expires because:

A variation of the setting of a Temporary treatment order does not affect the duration of the Temporary treatment order.

An authorised psychiatrist must immediately revoke a Temporary treatment order if the treatment criteria no longer apply to the person.

It looks like we have chosen sides

From Cold War serves no one in the Hun today:

ScoMo: Australia won’t choose sides

AUSTRALIA won’t be “forced” to choose a side as tensions escalate between the United States and China, the Prime Minister warned on Monday night.

Scott Morrison also cautioned against global powers returning to Cold War-era divisions as Beijing continued to gain power.

In a speech to the British Policy Exchange, Mr Morrison said Australia would advocate for its own interests in the Indo-Pacific region and that any assertions otherwise were “false and needlessly deteriorates relationships”.

He said Australia wanted an open and mutually beneficial relationship with China, while also maintaining a close alliance with the US.

It’s the new new normal out there.

The climate change scam

This is how this post begins which is titled, The Climate Scam: What We Are Up Against.

What I call the “climate scam” is the proposition that human use of fossil fuels will shortly bring about a catastrophic increase in atmospheric temperatures, and that this crisis can easily be averted by governments in a few rich countries, with about 10% of the world’s population, imposing crippling coercive restrictions and cost increases on fossil fuel use while also massively subsidizing alternative “renewable” energy sources.

I have long thought that this scam could not go on too much longer. The reasons I have thought that are many, the least important of them being that in the several decades since the warnings of catastrophic warming were first issued, atmospheric temperatures have increased much less than predicted. But here are two other reasons for my view that are more important:

  1. Restrictions on rich-country carbon emission cannot possibly have any meaningful effect on world climate, because rich-country emissions are a minority and a rapidly-shrinking portion of total world emissions, while developing countries, with about 90% of world population, are rapidly increasing their emissions from a low base. The developing countries will never agree to limit their ongoing emissions increases, particularly while many of their people still lack basic access to electricity, automobiles, air conditioning, and so forth; and
  2. In rich countries, ordinary and working-class people will surely put up an insurmountable roadblock to restrictions on fossil fuels as soon as they figure out that many of their jobs are threatened and their costs of electricity and gasoline are planned to increase by factors of 2 or 5 or 10 in the effort to achieve a (theoretical) meaningless reduction of predicted world temperatures of a few tenths of a degree 50 or 100 years from now.

I still believe that eventually this scam will fall apart, and for the reasons given (among other reasons). After all, the information to support my points (1) and (2) is readily available, not only from many posts on this blog, but many other sources as well, official and otherwise. There is a network of climate-skeptic news sources and bloggers, of which I am one, constantly putting this information out for the public to see. All of these sources, as far as I am aware, operate on a shoestring; but they cannot be silenced, and the skeptic community is remarkably robust and resilient. We aren’t going away.

But then, you have to consider what we are up against.

If you want to know what we are up against, you should go to the link, although this brings you close to the answer:

Thumbnail

But go to the link anyway even if it might depress you.

David Archibald discusses the Brereton Report

Dr Samantha Crompvoets (from “Does the ACT have Australia’s most parent-friendly company?”)

The text below is from David Archibald discussing an issue I know nothing about: Afghanistan: The Fevered Imaginations of the REMFs*. This is his final para:

The Federal Police will be given the job of prosecuting the servicemen mentioned in the Brereton report, but the effort will go the way of the McDade prosecutions. They will be dropped for lack of evidence because mostly they are complete fabrications.

I can only say that if these soldiers made up these stories just to tease the people who were interviewing them, they are a pretty stupid lot themselves. As for the photo above, this is the relevance to the story:

In March, 2016 the then head of the army, now chief of defence General Angus Campbell, commissioned a secret report on SAS culture from a Canberra sociologist, Dr Samantha Crompvoets.

Here is the above link once again to get a better sense of who was doing the interviews.

And if you want to know what an REMF is you will have to go to David’s link.

The therapeutic state

Really, why add to the crush of issues with this one when nothing whatever can be done about any of it? Still, I have only just cottoned onto it so thought I might share. This, however, is even less likely to be seen for what it is than my work on modern economic theory, but such is life.

I suppose I ought to have seen this sooner since it has been the elephant in the room since the Covid panic began. If anything is going to terrify us into a totalitarian state, it is the threat of disease, which is more than just the threat of death but includes all the psychological overhang that exists everywhere. This was all discussed by Thomas Szasz even as long ago as when I was at university. This is only a tiny bit of who he is:

Szasz was best known as a social critic of the moral and scientific foundations of psychiatry, as what he saw as the social control aims of medicine in modern society, as well as scientism. His books The Myth of Mental Illness (1961) and The Manufacture of Madness (1970) set out some of the arguments most associated with him.

I have been associating lately with people involved in dealing with the psychological damage that has apparently been visited on people who have been confined to home because of the Covid or who have been terrorised by the media reports. Really, I said to them, is this actually such an issue? Well, you have no idea the size of the industry associated with dealing with our mental health. Having come onto this monster in our midst, there was then this headline in The Oz just yesterday: Productivity Commission’s final report says toddlers should be screened for emotional distress.

Australia’s mental health system is failing the “missing middle” who don’t require hospital care and has a “narrow view of people seeking treatment and support”. The Productivity Commission’s final report into the country’s mental health system, two years in the making, recommends toddlers should be screened for early signs of emotional distress and better support offered to schoolchildren dealing with psychological issues as part of a push for earlier intervention. The commission says the system is “not comprehensive and fails to provide treatment and support that people who need it legitimately expect”. “The clinical care system has gaps, including, but not limited to, the so-called ‘missing middle’,” the report reads.

And then this came today with some material from Medibank:

Committed to supporting your mental health

Finding reliable mental health information and support can be challenging. That’s why Medibank has partnered with specialists in mental health to provide information you can trust, to support you and your family. We also offer eligible members access to mental health services at no extra costΔ~, and no waiting period to claim on psychology and counselling services§.  

Resources and information

The symptoms and signs of mental health issues are varied and can come on suddenly or gradually over time. It’s often difficult to differentiate between expected behaviour and behaviours that can indicate a mental health condition. If you or someone you care about are struggling, you can find information on common mental health issues here, including what to do if you notice symptoms or signs.

And when you start looking for these kinds of things they are everywhere. We are beyond mere socialism. If you would like to investigate further, you might have a look at this, also by Szasz, except from 2006, and specifically titled: The Therapeutic State. A long article, worth your time, with this the final para:

Formerly, people rushed to embrace totalitarian states. Now they rush to embrace the therapeutic state. By the time they discover that the therapeutic state is about tyranny, not therapy, it will be too late.

The entire article is so prescient it’s spooky. Perhaps it’s not too late, although perhaps it is.

Stealing from the poor to give to the rich

The data above is from the United States. Real wages are rising which is as good a reason for the Deep State to get rid of a president as I have ever heard. Imagine letting workers earn more which is taking money right out of the hands of the people who run projects funded by the public sector.

Government spending is in part hiring the useless to do unproductive jobs plus creating programs that soak up billions of dollars supposedly to create jobs.

And keeping interest rates as low as possible is all part of the process. The role of interest rates is to allow the market to determine which projects are the most likely to have a positive return. Near-zero interest rates allow governments to compete physical capital away from private entrepreneurs at the lowest possible cost to Treasury. This was from the RBA Governor on the fifth of November: Statement by Philip Lowe, Governor: Monetary Policy Decision. There was a time a discussion such as this would cause a first year student to fail the course. Now it is the highest good sense in economic policy.

Wages growth remains subdued and is expected to remain at around its current rate for some time yet. A further gradual lift in wages growth would be a welcome development and is needed for inflation to be sustainably within the 2–3 per cent target range. Taken together, recent outcomes suggest that the Australian economy can sustain lower rates of unemployment and underemployment.

The virtue in having higher wages growth, you see, is so it might raise the inflation rate towards its target range. Not so that wage earners might earn a higher income, but so that inflation might rise which means that any wage increase projected will come without productivity growth. Otherwise, if productivity were also rising there would be no inflation.

Moronic doesn’t quite capture it.

One more reason why a Parliamentary system is better than a republic

This is from Mark Steyn: Looking for an Argument in which the point he makes is that in the American system politicians are never forced to debate.

So now we’re told that we all have to rush to Georgia for two months to focus on the run-off election because those two GOP Senate candidates are the only things that stand in the way of Biden-Harris ramming the Green New Deal down your gullet, and giving statehood to DC and Puerto Rico, thus greatly diminishing Susan Collins’ importance in Senate arithmetic now and forever.

Maybe. But it really would be nice if these guys would make an argument for something once in a while, instead of just saying we’re the fellows to block the other fellows. I mean, we’ve been here before even within the shriveled perspective of political memory: A decade ago we were told we had to back Republicans because they’re opposed to Obamacare. They raised a zillion dollars, saved their seats, won total control in 2016 …and had no plan.

He’s right. We make our politicians debate all the time. Not that it makes all that much difference but it does make some. It also helps that there is always a Leader of the Opposition whose job it is to point out the flaws in what the government is doing. In the US, they just leave that to Twitter and Facebook.

What my book on classical economics is actually about

This was the start of the review of my book on Classical Economic Theory and the Modern Economy provided by EH.Net to the Societies for the History of Economics online list:

This book is about how little Steven Kates thinks of the “modern economy,” an umbrella term for all variants of Keynesian economics. Bold and pretentious statements abound. “Just about the whole of modern economic theory is perniciously wrong … there is virtually nothing useful one can learn from a modern economics text in how to manage an economy” (p. 1). “Economists know nothing whatsoever about the analytical depth of the classical economists” (p. 16). Kates aims “to explain why classical economics is vastly superior” (p. 17). Kates wants to convince us that he is “almost uniquely placed” to do so, though he acknowledges “how obscure [he is] within the world of economics” and notes that “virtually no one sees things as [he does]” (p. 17). This does not prevent him from boasting about how, as chief economist of Australia’s national employers’ association, he “never made a single wrong call on the economy or the effects of public policy” (p. 20). Unfortunately, the book is filled with errors. Relevant quotes and texts are omitted or distorted for the sole purpose of justifying his anti-Keynesian narrative.

As you may see, not a positive review. He describes my discussion of  my record of accurately predicting the harmful consequences of using Keynesian policies as “boastful”, but at least it’s accurate which you would think would count for something. Because economists are so convinced that their theories are right, they never, and I mean never, go back for a post mortem to see what went wrong. And what I point to is not just failures, but also to the phenomenal success of Peter Costello’s economic management from 1996 onwards where the economy ripped along not only with zero deficits year after year but also zero debt! Anyway, I have written my book and this chap speaks for almost the entire profession in his review. At least writing for an Australian audience here at Catallaxy, there will be at least some memory of much of what I write. Also, you should go to the article at Quadrant if you would like to see not just what I wrote but also how I wrote. The difficulty in cutting through their arrogant ignorance is just how it is.

_____________My reply to the review is found below

Suppose I believe, as I do believe, that economic theory reached its highest level of analytical power in the economic theory of the mid-to-late-nineteenth century, and especially with the economic theory presented by John Stuart Mill in his Principles of Political Economy first published in 1848, how would I go about saying so? Suppose going further, I had come to believe, based on having reached this conclusion, that virtually the whole of modern economic theory is vastly inferior to economic theory of the mid-to-late nineteenth century, how exactly should I go about trying to explain what I think to others? Suppose, as in fact is actually how things have turned out, that I had concluded that a student of modern economics, who studies modern macro and micro, is by that very fact, unable to read a nineteenth century economics text and understand what it says, how should I have tried to express those thoughts to others? This was the dilemma I faced and Classical Economic Theory and the Modern Economy is how I went about trying to resolve these problems.

The sad but for me not surprising part is that it would be very difficult for a modern economist to make sense of what I am saying, as Guy Numa in the review of my book has so clearly shown. Perhaps I should not be surprised to find such a negative review of my book, but none the less I find it very disappointing. But at least I can be grateful for his undertaking the review which has highlighted a number of important points although he has has missed the central point the book was trying to make. If you would like to understand what the book is about, I can only suggest you read this brief article of mine that was published at the start of this month, by the Australian magazine Quadrant, which is titled: “What Classical Economists Knew that Modern Economists Do Not”. If you go to the link, this is how the passage from my book starts:

“# My aim in writing this book is to explain why classical economics is vastly superior to modern economic theory. And in attempting to demonstrate that this is so, I will explain how a classical economist understood the operation of the economy. But in outlining the classical approach to economic analysis, I begin with the recognition that anyone who has already been taught modern economics will be virtually incapable of understanding classical economic theory.

“# I will therefore start with a personal explanation of why I believe I am almost uniquely placed to explain classical economic theory and why it is important that we do so. It will be argued that the disappearance of classical economic theory has led to an enormous loss in our ability to understand what needs to be understood if we are to make sense of how an economy works.

“# Modern economic theory is a labyrinth. Perhaps all theory is like that. Once one enters into its precincts it becomes virtually impossible to escape other than by accident. I will therefore explain how I accidentally found my way out as a possible way to assist others to attempt to do the same.

“# And even as I begin, I will acknowledge how obscure I am within the world of economics. I have published papers and books. I have attended conferences and meetings of economic societies around the world. And in all this time, I have come across virtually no one who sees things as I do. There are a handful of others, but our numbers are trivially small. So to my story.”

Guy describes my approach as “boastful”. I think of my attitude as exasperated, since if you go to the link, you will find the lengths that I have gone to in an attempt to get these points across in the past. There have been others who have tried to do this before me, with Henry Hazlitt and W.H. Hutt the most notable. In criticising Keynesian macro, I would not describe their attitude as “boastful”. I am merely following in their tradition.

I will just emphasise that the book is not about Say’s Law although Say’s Law naturally does come into it. It is about the classical economic theory that was the core of the profession between the 1840s and its complete disappearance with the publication of The General Theory in 1936. But the following discovery of mine is for the first time acknowledged by someone else and it is important where Numa wrote: “It is true that Taylor invented the term ‘Say’s Law.’” That is, it was the American economist Fred Taylor who invented the term “Say’s Law” in the twentieth century where it became a much discussed issue mostly in the US during the 1920s and 1930s. It is Taylor’s understanding of Say’s Law that ends up being refuted in The General Theory. J.B. Say’s Law of Markets, first stated in 1803, has virtually nothing to do with Say’s Law and to bring J.B. Say into it obscures the core issues. That too is discussed in my book, along with the also unknown fact that the phrase “supply creates its own demand” is also twentieth century American having been first stated by the American economist, Harlan McCracken in 1933. The origins of The General Theory cannot in my view be properly discussed without knowing these facts.

I will close by using the same quotes from my book used in the review by Numa since these do accurately describe what the book is about: “Just about the whole of modern economic theory is perniciously wrong … there is virtually nothing useful one can learn from a modern economics text in how to manage an economy” (p. 1) and “Economists know nothing whatsoever about the analytical depth of the classical economists” (p. 16). Both of these statements, so far as I am concerned, are absolutely true. If you want to know why I think so and why it matters, you really should read the book.