Socialist medicine at its finest

This is about the NHS in the UK from the Mail Online:

  • National Health SHAMBLES: Three damning reports describe mothers abandoned during labour, serious hospital blunders every day and how patients have lost faith in their GPs
  • Public confidence in the NHS at record low following run of inquiries
  • A quarter of new mothers say they were abandoned by their midwives
  • Some NHS consulting rooms were found to be infested with maggots
  • Police probe into cover-up claims on cancer treatment waiting times
  • Blunder doctors carried out heart surgery on the wrong patient
  • Another man had laser surgery on his right eye rather than his left

If you live in the UK, plan not to be sick.

Nigella Lawson used cocaine says the Toronto Star

Just like Rob Ford. Not to mention that she smoked grass with her kids. The story is from The Toronto Star who will no doubt be making nothing of it.

Did Saatchi have a temper? Had Lawson used cocaine? What about marijuana?

Yes, Lawson said, she had used cocaine a few times in the past — as recently as 2010, when she was enduring ‘intimate terrorism’ by her ex-husband. And yes, she’d smoked cannabis, too, though she’s now given up.

And as for her children and grass, we have this:

Ms Carpenter responded: ‘What on earth do you think you were doing buying cigarettes for underage children?,’ to which Ms Grillo replied: ‘Well, if Nigella Lawson let them smoke weed.’

Well, what if she did? What would The Star make of that?

Heidegger’s Black Notebooks

The Heidegger question doesn’t go away, mostly because he is a man of the left that the left cannot let go of. A National Socialist is a socialist, with all of the right sorts of attitudes and beliefs. But there are now, apparently, the “Black Notebooks” which have been edited and a piece commenting on what they show is found here.

Eric Aeschimann, writing in Le Nouvel Observateur, reports that Heidegger’s Schwarzen Hefte (‘Black Notebooks’) will trouble even the most faithful of his acolytes in France. It appears that the German editor of the notebooks, Peter Trawny, has written an essay entitled ‘Heidegger: “The Black Notebooks” and Historial Antisemitism’ (‘historial’ being one of those neologisms of which Heidegger, and Heideggerians, were and are fond) in which he argues that these manuscripts, written between 1931 and 1946, contain ideas that are ‘clearly antisemitic, even if it is not a question of antisemitism of the kind promoted by Nazi ideology.’ One of Heidegger’s French translators, Hadrien France-Lanord, has read Trawny’s essay and has pronounced himself dismayed by many of the extracts from the notebooks that it contains. We are, Aeschimann writes, on the verge of another ‘Heidegger affair’.

There is also a quite insightful analysis of the kinds of philosophy Heidegger offered up:

Heidegger came to believe that the present is characterised by a forgetfulness of ‘Being’ and that this forgetfulness shows itself in the global domination of modern science and technology. Where, in 1933, Nazism, and the Führer in particular, had promised an ‘awakening’ of the German people and salvation from the ‘nihilism’ of the modern age, now Heidegger regarded it as the latest embodiment of that dispensation. But, as his former student Karl Löwith pointed out in 1946, this did not mean that Heidegger had stopped believing in the necessity of national revolution after 1934—far from it. And Löwith maintained that what a ‘naïve apology’ for Heidegger published the same year in French in Les Temps Modernes really showed was that he was a ‘distinguished representative of the German Revolution’.

To the extent that I make sense of Heidegger, he emphasises that all national groups are different from the cradle on up. One cannot choose one’s destiny; it is not so much in the genes but in the social world in which one is raised. His anti-Semitism is to point out that Jews are not Germans, and he liked what was German and not what was Jewish. So this, about his uptake by Sartre, must have been utterly dismaying for him.

Heidegger denied all connection between his thought and Sartre’s. Sartre takes for granted, he argued, precisely what ought to be questioned, namely: the meaning of ‘the human’. In assuming that man’s essence lies in action or decision, Sartre misses the more fundamental question about the meaning of Being. Sartrean existentialism, it turns out, is but another mode of forgetfulness. The history of the West, for Heidegger, is the history of the growing power of human subjectivity, in which man enjoys technological dominion over nature rather than the more humble role of ‘shepherd of Being’.

So the French Heideggerians believe the opposite of what Heidegger himself believed. Philosophy really is loopy, but the point I think Heidegger is making is right, that your culture will provide barriers against some beliefs and make others virtually mandatory, the absolute reverse of this existential freedom which is a total nonsense. But if Sartre doesn’t understand Heidegger, why should I think I do who has never read more than a hundred pages of his writing, none of which I could really say I understood. But this comes close to what I think he thinks:

Heidegger certainly rejected the biologistic racial theories propounded by Nazi ideologues such as Alfred Bäumler and Ernst Krieck. But this critique is compatible, Faye argues, with Heidegger’s retention of a ‘metaphysical’ conception of race.

The final conclusion of this article I would accept myself, that “the French left should now recognise that there is nothing in Heidegger that has anything whatsoever to do with the ‘promise of freedom and equality’.” There’s a lot in it but the notion of freedom as a universal and an intrinsic aspect of the life of we poor humans, is as nonsensical as any philosophical proposition that has ever been proposed.

Dealing with trifles

obama and bush umbrellas

A very interesting little photo vignette picked up at Barack and Michelle: The Love Story. George W. holds the umbrella for Laura while Michelle holds her own. Which reminded me of this from Schopenhauer:

A man shows his character in just the way he deals with trifles – for then he is off his guard. This will often afford a good opportunity of observing the boundless egoism of a man’s nature, and his total lack of consideration of others: and if these defects show themselves in small things, or merely in his general demeanour, you will find that they also underlie his actions in matters of importance, although he may disguise the fact. This is the opportunity which should not be missed. If in the little affairs of every day – the trifles of life, those matters to which de minimis non applies – a man is inconsiderate and seeks only what is advantageous or convenient to himself, to the prejudice of other’s rights; if he appropriates to himself that which belongs to all alike, you may be sure there is no justice in his heart, and that he would be a scoundrel on a wholesale scale, only that the law and compulsion bind his hands. Do not trust him beyond the door. He is not afraid to break the laws of his own private circle, will break those of the State when he can do so with impunity.

From Arthur Schopenhauer. “Our Relations to Others.” In The Seven Great Essays of Schopenhauer. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1951, 64-65.

Storms of rare ferocity

cairo snow

Why are we not treating global warming as a form of insanity? From Drudge today:

SNOW HITS CAIRO, FIRST IN 100 YEARS…

‘Historic’ Israeli Snowstorm; Power Outage in Jerusalem…

Over 2,000 cold and snow records set in USA this past week…

And from the middle story:

Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat released a statement saying ‘we are battling a storm of rare ferocity.’

The planet’s not warming, it’s cooling.

Andrew Bolt and Mark Liebler

On my way to work in the morning as I walk over to the station I first pass a Jewish primary school and then turn the corner where I pass the Holocaust Centre. The Holocaust Centre is a memorial to the murder of six million Jews who are lovingly remembered and mourned by many still alive today. And what’s more, many of those murdered were in every way the same as the children who are found in the playground of the school. If you are a Jew, anti-Semitism is no small matter. It has been a life and death issue across the centuries and remains so to this day.

The leaders of the Jewish community constantly seek ways to ensure a Holocaust does not happen again. Mark Liebler seeks ways to ensure that it does not happen again. Hatred of Jews is just how it is in many parts of the world. One of the reasons Australia remains a great nation is that its record in accepting and defending people of Jewish origins is exemplary. No Jew living in this country is anything other than grateful for the not just tolerant attitudes of their fellow Australians but the full acceptance of Jews as an integral part of this community, an overwhelmingly Christian community. A Sir John Monash and a Sir Isaac Isaacson is unimaginable in any part of the world a century ago, but the first led the Australian forces in World War I and the second became Governor-General in 1930. If I am happy to call Australia home, this is part of the reason why.

Andrew Bolt and Mark Liebler are now trying to clarify the issues that stand between them on free speech versus blood libel. Andrew Bolt was dragged through the courts over whether it was legal for him to make pointed remarks about the skin colour of individuals who identified with their Aboriginal descent. This is, moreover, not just a matter of skin colour but involves access to programs designed to overcome Aboriginal disadvantage which are being used by people who are in no way disadvantaged either by circumstance or origins. His point was a valid political point and on those grounds there should never have been a prosecution never mind a conviction. This is not what the law was intended for and was mis-applied. It was no more wrong for Andrew Bolt to point out how these programs are being exploited by those who are experiencing no disadvantage as it was for those to implement these programs in the first place. If we are going to overcome the uncontested existence of Aboriginal disadvantage, then a law that relates specifically to Aboriginals must be enacted which is a law based on racial identification. But if such programs are to exist it also means that they can be criticised on their own terms.

But I have been in this country long enough to remember when the first Aboriginal State Governor, Pastor Doug Nicholls in South Australia, went into a maddened frenzy because his wife had been insulted by someone using a derogatory term for an Aboriginal woman. And you know, I have only ever sympathised with Nicholls. It was an absolute disgrace, utterly indefensible on free speech or any other grounds. Not just impolite. Not just rude. Not just unkind. Not just boorish. It was full blown uncivilised, absolutely unacceptable and is rightly made illegal. People say things to each other in private about other racial and religious groups, but to make these kinds of vicious statements in public is more than just a tut-tut offence against good breeding. It should be a matter for the law.

But that would in no way limit the ability of governments to form policy on Aboriginal issues nor would it stop debate from occurring on any matter relating to Aboriginal policy. That is open and must always be open. But insults and threats, that is, insulting or threatening speech, is different. Here are two significant paras from the article by Daniel Meyerowitz-Katz which touched off this debate:

It would be difficult to have missed the recent campaign in these pages and elsewhere against section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act, which makes conduct unlawful where it is done because of someone’s race/ethnicity and is reasonably likely to ‘offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate’ them. . . .

Most importantly, 18C does not make it unlawful to merely say something that might be construed as racist and hurt someone’s feelings. What is unlawful is doing something ‘because of’ the race/ethnicity of a person that is reasonably likely to offend them. The issue is not that anyone’s feelings are hurt; it’s that someone is targeted for harassment because they happen to be of a certain ethnicity.

The serious error in my view made by the author of the article was to suggest that those on the other side of this debate were “dishonest”. On this, he wrote:

If people genuinely think it should be legal for Australians to harass others on the basis of race, then they are welcome to make that argument. What’s troubling about the anti-18C campaign is its dishonesty.

The provision is made out to be an offence when it is not. The freedom of speech defences are ignored. It is purported to be a unique law against causing offence, when it is actually modelled on centuries-old breach of the peace laws. One controversial decision is focused on to the exclusion of almost 20 years of positive outcomes.

But then, being honest about 18C makes it harder to spin the provision as a threat to free speech, and nobody wants to openly defend racial harassment. Do they?

They were not being dishonest and it is pernicious for him to have said so. He doesn’t know what they think and has no idea what their motives were, but whatever they were, dishonesty was not amongst them. It is ridiculously wrong to apply motives to people of goodwill in every respect. Everything he wrote was all right to that point so why say it? It ruined the argument because it tried to convict Andrew Bolt and his supporters when the point of this article should have been to explain the way things are as seen by a representative Jew.

I don’t think it is dishonesty so much as bewilderment. The judge and the prosecutor misused the law in ways that have put this piece of legislation under deep examination. Andrew Bolt was not causing a breach of the peace, and it was worse than shameful – indeed utterly disgusting – for the prosecutor to have brought the Holocaust into his case. It made me personally very angry at the time because doing so desecrated the sanctity of the Holocaust memorial which should never be demeaned by being brought into the secular world in this way.

But I have Chinese friends who have been abused in public and there are real anti-Semites around who hate people for no other reason than because they are Jews. As a Jew I am with Shylock in asking, “If you prick us, do we not bleed?” But in Shakespeare’s own time, this was a laugh line that in no way was intended to raise sympathy for Shylock nor did it. Anti-Semites perfectly well understand that Jews will bleed since they have so often drawn this blood themselves. It is not a matter of free speech to deny racists the right to their rants, and it is not enough to think that the good people will make such expressions of hatred and ill will unacceptable in polite society.

That the modern practice is to be anti-Zionist, to say that I have nothing against Jews but I am blah, blah, blah about Israel is now the way it is done. Anti-Semitism is very much alive and I am content to have such legislation on the books because, while it is a weak reed, at least it is something.

Free speech is about allowing the freedom to say whatever one believes in the midst of political discourse. If an acceptance of racist rants is defended as examples of free speech then the very notion of free speech will be discredited by these very claims in the eyes of anyone who wishes to live in a decent society where individuals are protected from the kinds of racist abuse that has no part to play in a civilised community which seeks to promote peace, order and good will.

The difference between propaganda and education

Harold Lasswell explaining the difference between propaganda and education in 1935:

The spread of controversial attitudes is propaganda; the spread of acceptable attitudes is skills education. It is proper to speak of Communism as propaganda in Chicago and as education in Moscow.*

Today, of course, we could define propaganda and education in exactly the same way but the examples would be reversed.

*Harold D. Lasswell. 1935. “The Person, Subject and Object of Propaganda.” Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, vol 179: 189. Quoted in Wolfgang Schivelbusch. 2006. Three New Deals. New York: Picador, 74.

The seething resentments of socialism

The thing about Obama is that he thinks everyone wants what he wants, an easy life with no work and lots of free time to shoot hoops. To the extent we can actually find out anything factual about his days before politics – in fact, even about his days since he became the President – he seems to have be a vacuum of inertia, the farthest thing in the world from a work-obsessed dynamo.

Same might be said about most of the Labor Party front bench. University grads who went to work for a union seems to be the mould. Their assumption, like Obama’s, is to get more income for less work. That’s the union mantra. That’s all they can think of asking for. That all they want, more of what’s going with less personal effort required to get it.

To a limited extent, that’s what the private sector is designed to do, to increase the volume of goods and services while reducing the cost of getting what we get. Just that with the private sector, there is this one requirement. You have to work. You have to produce something. You need to put something into the communal bowl before you can take something out for yourself.

Socialists don’t see it that way. They are all about taking out. They never discuss putting in. And so far as they are concerned, society’s largest enemies are those who have put in so much that they have actually received a seriously larger income than the people they employ.

But you know, the people on the receiving end of these plundered goods, not only do they not appreciate what they receive, their lives are ruined by it. The promise of endless wealth on the condition of absolutely no work is no one’s model of Nirvanah.

Mark Steyn has a nifty article on just this sort of thing with this as the conclusion he reaches towards the end:

So what does every initiative of the Obama era have in common? Obamacare, Obamaphones, Social Security disability expansion, 50 million people on food stamps . . . The assumption is that mass, multi-generational dependency is now a permanent feature of life. A coastal elite will devise ever smarter and slicker trinkets, and pretty much everyone else will be a member of either the dependency class or the vast bureaucracy that ministers to them. And, if you’re wondering why every Big Government program assumes you’re a feeble child, that’s because a citizenry without ‘work and purpose’ is ultimately incompatible with liberty. The elites think a smart society will be wealthy enough to relieve the masses from the need to work. In reality, it would be neo-feudal, but with fatter, sicker peasants. It wouldn’t just be ‘economic inequality,’ but a far more profound kind, and seething with resentments.

Being on leave is a vacation. Being unemployed, even with more or less the same income to spend, is not a life of endless joy. It is the very essence of an empty life. This is what socialism brings, and the seething resentment that comes with it as well.

Horrific in every detail

This is beyond imagination and horrific in every detail:

A pregnant woman has had her baby forcibly removed by caesarean section by social workers.

Essex social services obtained a High Court order against the woman that allowed her to be forcibly sedated and her child to be taken from her womb.

The council said it was acting in the best interests of the woman, an Italian who was in Britain on a work trip, because she had suffered a mental breakdown.

The baby girl, now 15 months old, is still in the care of social services, who are refusing to give her back to the mother, even though she claims to have made a full recovery.

The case has developed into an international legal row, with lawyers for the woman describing it as “unprecedented”.

They claim that even if the council had been acting in the woman’s best interests, officials should have consulted her family beforehand and also involved Italian social services, who would be better-placed to look after the child.

Brendan Fleming, the woman’s British lawyer, told The Sunday Telegraph: “I have never heard of anything like this in all my 40 years in the job.

“I can understand if someone is very ill that they may not be able to consent to a medical procedure, but a forced caesarean is unprecedented.

“If there were concerns about the care of this child by an Italian mother, then the better plan would have been for the authorities here to have notified social services in Italy and for the child to have been taken back there.”

The case, reported by Christopher Booker in his column in The Sunday Telegraph, raises fresh questions about the extent of social workers’ powers.

It will be raised in Parliament this week by John Hemming, a Liberal Democrat MP. He chairs the Public Family Law Reform Coordinating Campaign, which wants reform and greater openness in court proceedings involving family matters.

He said: “I have seen a number of cases of abuses of people’s rights in the family courts, but this has to be one of the more extreme.

“It involves the Court of Protection authorising a caesarean section without the person concerned being made aware of what was proposed. I worry about the way these decisions about a person’s mental capacity are being taken without any apparent concern as to the effect on the individual being affected.”

The woman, who cannot be named for legal reasons, is an Italian national who come to Britain in July last year to attend a training course with an airline at Stansted Airport in Essex.

She suffered a panic attack, which her relations believe was due to her failure to take regular medication for an existing bipolar condition.

She called the police, who became concerned for her well-being and took her to a hospital, which she then realised was a psychiatric facility.

She has told her lawyers that when she said she wanted to return to her hotel, she was restrained and sectioned under the Mental Health Act.

Meanwhile, Essex social services obtained a High Court order in August 2012 for the birth “to be enforced by way of caesarean section”, according to legal documents seen by this newspaper.

The woman, who says she was kept in the dark about the proceedings, says that after five weeks in the ward she was forcibly sedated. When she woke up she was told that the child had been delivered by C-section and taken into care.

In February, the mother, who had gone back to Italy, returned to Britain to request the return of her daughter at a hearing at Chelmsford Crown Court.

Her lawyers say that she had since resumed taking her medication, and that the judge formed a favourable opinion of her. But he ruled that the child should be placed for adoption because of the risk that she might suffer a relapse.

The cause has also been raised before a judge in the High Court in Rome, which has questioned why British care proceedings had been applied to the child of an Italian citizen “habitually resident” in Italy. The Italian judge accepted, though, that the British courts had jurisdiction over the woman, who was deemed to have had no “capacity” to instruct lawyers.

Lawyers for the woman are demanding to know why Essex social services appear not have contacted next of kin in Italy to consult them on the case.

They are also upset that social workers insisted on placing the child in care in Britain, when there had been an offer from a family friend in America to look after her.

An expert on social care proceedings, who asked not to be named because she was not fully acquainted with the details of the case, described it as “highly unusual”.

She said the council would first have to find “that she was basically unfit to make any decision herself” and then shown there was an acute risk to the mother if a natural birth was attempted.

An Essex county council spokesman said the local authority would not comment on ongoing cases involving vulnerable people and children.