Three million new jobs after 13 million lost

It may be nowhere else, but at least it’s on Fox and Drudge. We are talking here about the United States – Gallup CEO: Number of Full-Time Jobs as Percent of Population Is Lowest It’s Ever Been. There has been no recovery of any kind worth the name. From the text:

“The number of full-time jobs, and that’s what everybody wants, as a percent of the total population, is the lowest it’s ever been… The other thing that is very misleading about that number is the more people that drop out, the better the number gets. In the recession we lost 13 million jobs. Only 3 million have come back. You don’t see that in that number.“

A deficit-led, government-spending-generated recovery is an impossibility. More proof, in case more proof was needed, that Keynesian economics is junk science.

Rate cuts and unemployment

You would think by now that the dismal economic recovery in the United States would alert others to what doesn’t work, but seems not. So down interest rates have gone to record lows at 2.25%. No doubt the banks will be browbeaten into passing the cuts along, but hopefully not.

This is all part of the Keynesian idiocies. Try to revive an economy from the demand side. Make it easier (cheaper) for governments to fund their debt. Deepen the misallocation of resources, and distort the economy just a little more.

And like with public spending itself, it has the superficial look of doing something positive that will allow those who do not understand how an economy works – voters say, or Treasury officials – to think something useful is being done.

As for how well our economies are responding to treatment, there is this from Jim Clifton who is the Chairman and CEO at Gallup in the US. This is someone who might just perhaps know something about surveys, and this is what he says about unemployment data in the US. We have discussed this before, but for a change it is up on Drudge. It’s not the kind of thing that opposition parties make much of either, since they one day will become the government themselves. But here is Jim Clinton pointing out the well-known statistical facts:

Right now, we’re hearing much celebrating from the media, the White House and Wall Street about how unemployment is “down” to 5.6%. The cheerleading for this number is deafening. The media loves a comeback story, the White House wants to score political points and Wall Street would like you to stay in the market.

None of them will tell you this: If you, a family member or anyone is unemployed and has subsequently given up on finding a job — if you are so hopelessly out of work that you’ve stopped looking over the past four weeks — the Department of Labor doesn’t count you as unemployed. That’s right. While you are as unemployed as one can possibly be, and tragically may never find work again, you are not counted in the figure we see relentlessly in the news — currently 5.6%. Right now, as many as 30 million Americans are either out of work or severely underemployed. Trust me, the vast majority of them aren’t throwing parties to toast “falling” unemployment. . . .

There’s another reason why the official rate is misleading. Say you’re an out-of-work engineer or healthcare worker or construction worker or retail manager: If you perform a minimum of one hour of work in a week and are paid at least $20 — maybe someone pays you to mow their lawn — you’re not officially counted as unemployed in the much-reported 5.6%. Few Americans know this.

Yet another figure of importance that doesn’t get much press: those working part time but wanting full-time work. If you have a degree in chemistry or math and are working 10 hours part time because it is all you can find — in other words, you are severely underemployed — the government doesn’t count you in the 5.6%. Few Americans know this.

The supposed recovery in the labour market he describes as lies. They are, but if it’s the Media Party lying, you are never going to know.

What happened to the 5%?

The American economy went back to its dismal rate of growth. The five percent last quarter was understood by everyone, except those who depended on the media to keep them informed, that the uptick was due to a statistical adjustment made necessary by the introduction of the Affordable Care Act. Now we are back to 2.6%.

The economy grew more slowly than expected in the fourth quarter as government spending fell sharply and business investment pulled back.

Gross domestic product expanded at a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 2.6% in the three months ended Dec. 31, slowing sharply from a robust 5% pace in the third quarter, the Commerce Department said Friday. Economists expected 3.1% growth.

For all of 2014, the economy grew 2.4%, up from 2.2% in 2013, after harsh winter weather early in the year caused the economy to shrink in the first quarter.

The story is in USA Today so naturally will not own up to the nature of the problem. But to understand just how dismal things are, there is this statement from the report to remind you that as bad as things are now, they will only get worse: “Measures of business investment, however, have been declining.” This is not the bursting recovery from recession, but about as bad as could be in what is supposed to be a recovery.

Leading the Boxer Rebellion

From out of nowhere there was a column on the editorial page of The Australian on Friday by Angus Taylor of whom I had never heard, but for whom I now have great expectations. He is the Liberal Member for Hume. The headline is a bit misleading – Andrew Leigh shows little is left of Labor’s Hawke-Keating legacy – but how often do you see such sense leap off the page. Yes, the aim of the article was to refute the leftist nonsense that had been trotted out by Andrew Leigh in an article the day before, but there are ways to think about these things of which some are better and others are worse. This was in the category of much better. This is what I especially liked:

New Labor’s central economic assumption is that you can cut the pie differently and it won’t shrink. Tax productive businesses, tax hardworking people, crowd out private sector spending and middle Australia will keep working just as hard and as smart. Like Boxer in George Orwell’s Animal Farm, the aspirational middle class is too busy to realise what is happening to it. Boxer finished up at the knackery. This is lunacy. The economy is not a draught horse that keeps working regardless of the weight saddled on it.

Australia’s long-term prosperity, characterised by high real wages and low inequality, has come from rewarding great people and great businesses, not taking the rewards of hard work and squandering them on harebrained schemes — pink bats, cash for clunkers, school halls and cash handouts to the deceased.

Our success as a nation has come from rewarding clever investment, innovation and ideas. We have sustained high real wages throughout our history by encouraging growth and avoiding a flood of unskilled immigrants which fuels rampant inequality. This is in stark contrast to the US with its early history of slavery and its more recent influx of Hispanic immigrants.

It also says that Angus Taylor “was a partner at McKinsey and Port Jackson Partners and studied postgraduate economics at Oxford as a Rhodes scholar”. Let me tell you, it shows. So let me add just this to add to what he wrote.

One of the keys to following economic events is to separate out the stocks from the flows. We have a massive capital structure (a stock of assets) to which we add a small increment each year (the flow of newly produced goods and services, badly measured by GDP). It’s not spending that makes an economy richer, but first how much capital you already have and then, second, what you end up spending on. The problem at the heart of pink bats, cash for clunkers, school halls and cash handouts to the deceased – and please don’t forget the NBN and the billions blown on green energy – is that you draw down on your capital but, unlike with genuine value adding activity, do not replace what you have used up. Once you make the question whether some expenditure is value adding, that is, whether it will add more to the economy than it uses up, a great deal of clarity is added to the policy process. Welfare draws down with no intention of replacement which is fine if you can afford it; capital outlays are needed to maintain our ability to provide that welfare along with allowing each one of us to make our own individual way in the world.

The PM discusses IR reform

There is a difference between fixing our industrial relations problems and merely throwing out the system we have had since just after Federation. The first most assuredly must be done, but is not the same as the second. Let me quote the Prime Minister, who was trying to get people to understand the difference. The story from The Australian is headed, Abbott defends Fair Work Commission’s ability to set penalty rates. He does not deny that they are too high, only that there is a mechanism for adjusting penalty rates to a rate that will allow employment to grow. From The Oz:

TONY Abbott says he will defend the Fair Work Commission’s ability to set penalty rates, as Joe Hockey called on Labor to “stop scaring people” over industrial relations. . . .

Mr Abbott, speaking in Colac, southwest Victoria, set out a “statement of principle” that industrial relations reforms should aim to achieve “more jobs and better paid workers”.

“If the Australian workforce earns more and is as productive as possible that’s going to be good for everyone. Good for jobs, good for families, good for business, good for prosperity, and that’s what I want to see,” he said.

“In terms of penalty rates, we have a very well-established system in this country — it … began back in about 1903, as I recollect — and under our system it’s the Fair Work Commission which sets these rates, that’s how it is, that’s how it was, that’s how it will be.”

I think giving HRH an Australian knighthood was a distraction and made the government an easy target for its enemies. But this is not why I would or wouldn’t vote for some government. But knowing that the only way to fix our industrial relations problems is to go through our established system of labour relations is what needs a more clear-headed understanding by everyone on this side of the fence. On this, he had the vocal support of the Treasurer so we can see that the PM was speaking for the entire government.

On a related note: what does John Howard have in common with Sir Stanley Bruce? The answer to that might help you clear your head.

Capitalism and its absence in the third world

This from J.R. Dunn on The Elites bow to Mecca. Worth reading in full, but this is the most salient point:

The reigning ideology of the leftist segment of the elite class — which sets the tone for the moderates (whoever the hell they may be) and the wet conservatives, is multiculturalism. This can be stated as the contention that all whites are guilty of oppressing all nonwhites and must constantly be prepared to atone for it.

It used to be that the working class was the salt of the earth, until it turned out that they liked what capitalism had created for them. Now it is the people for whom the capitalist system remains unreachable, and therefore remain in deepest poverty, who are the recipients of socialist solicitude. Except that these same third world people have shown a very strong attraction to the capitalist system. And if the system cannot be brought to them, they are determined to make it to capitalist countries, where even the crumbs from such a bountiful system leave them better off than would anything else they might have done back in the places they have departed from.

As odd as it may sound, Australia has the best industrial relations system in the world

I have an article at The Drum, Industrial reform: ignore fairness at your peril. There are many political traps for a right-of-centre government in trying to improve the operation of our industrial relations system, but the most dangerous is thinking that the most important reform is the removal of the role of our system of industrial tribunals. This was the central point in my article:

All too often, the core issue about industrial relations reform is not about outcomes, but about the structure of the system itself. Australia has developed its own unique and largely successful system of tribunals that has been the perennial target for elimination by economists since it was first formed.

And so it worries me that we are there once again. This is the basic outline of what is being investigated according to the Productivity Commission website:

In undertaking this inquiry, the Commission has been asked to review the impact of the workplace relations framework… [my emphasis]

If the continuation of industrial tribunals were off the PC agenda, and instead the issue was how our existing industrial relations system could be made to function for the better, I would be much more confident that the PC inquiry might come up with something of genuine value.

So my prime recommendation to the PC is this. If you start from the premise that industrial tribunals are here to stay, there is a possibility that the inquiry might do some serious good. But if that is not your premise, I would expect little good to come from this inquiry.

I, of course, go much farther. I think that industrial tribunals are a positive benefit to the smooth operation of this economy. I don’t think trying to remove them would be bad only because the politics are wrong. I think they should be left alone because the economic consequences of trying to remove them would be so damaging.

In the UK, The Times required Fortress Wapping to introduce new technology. At The Australian, it was IR as usual and a relatively smooth transition. Recognising the nature of the difference will help you understand how important our industrial relations system is to our economic prosperity.

Greece opts for spending 120% of domestic output

One more experiment in Keynesian economics. The politics of living within your means are what they are. The Greeks have reason to believe that they can blackmail the rest of the EU into funding their debts. But literally in this case, where will the money come from?

Syriza’s demands for a debt restructuring have raised the prospect of a stand-off between Athens and other European leaders that might lead to “Grexit” although financial markets were treating that as a marginal risk on Monday.

The potentially disastrous consequences of such a move for Greece and Europe were likely to force policymakers to find an agreement, analysts said.

So they’re beggars? So what do they care? You want to save your precious Euro, this is what you got to do? However as Daniel Hannan notes:

It would, indeed, be very difficult to make an economic case for euro membership.

The past six years have seen a greater depression in Greece than that of 1929 to 1935. Output is down by an almost unbelievable 25 per cent. A quarter of all Greeks – half of all youngsters – are unemployed, and tens of thousands more have emigrated in search of jobs.

Their currency is overvalued and market disciplines are almost invisible. If they leave the Euro, there are actually things they might be able to do.

Anyone who invokes aggregate demand as part of an economic argument is wrong

A market economy in recession, left more or less to itself to adjust to circumstances, will find its way back to growth and full employment within a year, a year and a half at the outside. That same economy, under the administration of managers unsympathetic to the market, may travel in the desert for a very long time before coming good, assuming it comes good. I would like to come back to a post put up yesterday, The Next Phase of Economic Stagnation, which contains the transcript of a debate between a defender of Quantitative Easing in Europe and someone who thinks it is a very bad idea. But what I particularly wanted to comment on was this, stated in defence of QE:

If you’re in a situation where aggregate demand is very weak and that’s a position I think the eurozone is in and you are in danger of slipping into the sort of deflation which I at least and some other judges think is pretty damaging, then this is a mechanism for fending that danger off. And I have to say, I don’t think that there will be much impact from quantitative easing within the Eurozone, apart from through the exchange rate. In driving the exchange rate lower that’s going to help to boost eurozone net exports. It will boost aggregate demand. It will tend to keep up the price level. On balance I think those are pretty good things to be aiming at.

Anyone who invokes aggregate demand as part of an economic argument is wrong. Once universally understood, now universally disregarded, there is no independent force in an economy called aggregate demand. You can shift who gets to do the spending – and in every case where aggregate demand is invoked it is the government that gets to do the extra spending – but you cannot increase the rate of growth or employment. In fact, over time, it weakens an economy’s structure so profoundly that you are frequently worse off than when you began.

Recessions are inevitable, and there are actions a government can take, but increased public spending and higher levels of public debt are not amongst them. The sad part is that economists have so comprehensively invested in this nonsense theory, governments find it perfectly in tune with their basest political desires, and the public cannot understand why it shouldn’t work and like to see more spent on them by government. So here we are, a perfectly constructed downwards spiral based on the latest most up-to-date theories, in which no one can ever quite see the way out again.

The next phase of economic stagnation

The disastrous consequences of Keynesian thinking never seems to subside, the next catastrophe being the introduction of Quantitative Easing by the ECB. The following is an exchange of views under the heading, Eurozone prepares for QE. Bootle is your Keynesian, and when it comes down to it, can only think in terms of aggregate demand. The Europeans, like the Americans and the Japanese, and I guess pretty well everyone else, generally cannot think outside of macro aggregates. They seem to have no understanding of how a market economy slowly, but ever-so surely, knits itself back together, if the government would only stop messing with the parameters under which businesses must operate. The following is a bit long-winded, but since we are heading into the next phase of economic stagnation, it is worth understanding the kind of macro thinking behind it.

The ECB is preparing to announce a huge stimulus programme. We hear diverging views from the chief economist at one of Germany’s largest banks Commerzbank Joerg Kraemer and leading British economist Roger Bootle.

KRAEMER: I think that deflation is one of the most abused terms in economic policy discussions. Because there is no real threat from deflation. The Bank for International Settlement made it clear over a study of 150 years that a mild decline in prices is no problem for real GDP growth, and especially in the eurozone. The only reason why we have a negative inflation rate is the decline in oil price, but the decline in oil price is good for the economy. And if you strip out oil and look at the underlying core inflation at 0.8% is also low, but this is primarily caused by the fact that in some peripheral countries such as Spain, Portugal and Ireland, firms have cut their unit labour costs, they regained their price competitiveness and now they pass on a part of the cost reduction onto their customers in the form of slightly falling consumer prices, but again this is GOOD deflation because it goes hand-in-hand with an increase in profit margins and this is nothing to worry about, but nevertheless the negative inflation rate is used by the doves on the ECB council as an argument to go for QE which – in the end – will not change the picture of low inflation and low growth, but will primarily help the finance ministers of the highly indebted countries and their banks, which had bought a lot of government bonds, for example Spanish banks have bought roughly one-third of the outstanding volumes of Spanish government bonds.

BOOTLE: I think this is a dramatic misjudgment and it’s one that people coming from Germany are rather inclined to make with German history behind them because of course, the great fear in Germany – understandably – is inflation. Other countries have suffered significantly from deflation. As to the idea that the BIS concluded that over the last 150 years, deflation has been a good thing, well I wonder where they’ve been all that time. I mean, it all depends quite frankly on what the circumstances are.

Now, when you’ve got an economy that isn’t that heavily indebted, that isn’t super-sensitive to every little jot and tittle of the latest CPI figures, that isn’t very financially sophisticated, then yes, probably falling prices no one notices frankly and even know what’s going on. But when you move to the sort of economy we’ve got in today, where you have very heavy levels of debt, both government and private sector, we’ve got the markets all agog to see what’s happening to the CPI, I think is potentially quite dangerous to have a situation where prices are falling and are likely to fall year after year. Now we are not quite there yet really because at the moment all I think that’s happened in Europe is really the effect of a one-off drop in oil prices, which isn’t really if you like genuine deflation. But the danger is we might move to that.

KRAEMER: The Bank for International Settlements also showed that the slight decline in the Japanese consumer price index over the past 14 years did not change the picture that per capita GDP in Japan has grown roughly by the same amount than per capita GDP in the U.S. As long as consumer prices decline only mildly, this is not a big problem. We had this, for example, in the second half of the 19th century, during the gold standard, we had several periods of mild deflation, which had no negative impact on real GDP. I think the point is when you try to fight, when you try to avoid the inevitable, low inflation, low growth environment, after the burst of a debt bubble, then you only fuel asset price inflation.

BOOTLE: Let me be clear. I am not the greatest fan of quantitative easing in the sense that I don’t think it’s going to cure the European malaise, much of which has real rather than monetary foundations. It’s not the answer to a maiden’s prayers. It’s not a magic wand and moreover, the evidence of its effectiveness in other countries is not settled. In Japan it didn’t do very much good for a long time. In the United States and the UK it appears to have done some good quite how much we don’t know. The point is there is not much else in the locker. There is not much else you can do. If you’re in a situation where aggregate demand is very weak and that’s a position I think the eurozone is in and you are in danger of slipping into the sort of deflation which I at least and some other judges think is pretty damaging, then this is a mechanism for fending that danger off. And I have to say, I don’t think that there will be much impact from quantitative easing within the Eurozone, apart from through the exchange rate. In driving the exchange rate lower that’s going to help to boost eurozone net exports. It will boost aggregate demand. It will tend to keep up the price level. On balance I think those are pretty good things to be aiming at.

No one ever mentions markets, profits or entrepreneurs in any discussion of the economy. Economic theory has become junk science.