I went hunting for my other favourite from the 1920s – Susie is five foot two-ish and has eyes of blue as it happens. But what struck me about this is that they were just as modern as we are, except that they were modern ninety years ago and we are modern ninety years later. How bizarre we will seem ninety years from now is unimaginable, just as we would be to them. What is the reverse of nostalgia, the emotional response of those who lived in the past if they could see us today without having to have lived through the intervening years? There are people still alive who were alive when this was recorded but they have been shaped by the world as it evolved into where we are. But suppose these people should just walk from their world into ours. Certainly amazement, but also with equal certainty, deep and unabiding disgust. The reverse of Woody Allan’s Midnight in Paris but with little likelihood there would be the charm and pleasure in coming forward to a civilisation as morally alien from theirs as ours is.
Monthly Archives: April 2015
It really shouldn’t be so hard
Here’s the strategy:
Arthur Laffer has a simple theory of politics. It’s about as simple as his theory of economics. . . . The economic theory says that the lowest, simplest tax code will produce the most growth. The political theory goes like this: Politicians crave love from voters. So if you want to get a politician to do what you think is right, give him a plan he can easily sell, and make sure that plan will deliver a lot of crowd-pleasing economic growth.
George Bush Snr sat in the Reagan White House for eight years and didn’t learn a thing. Nor did the voters who elected Obama. Even here, we had a government that brought us lower taxes and ongoing prosperity, so we rewarded them by bringing in the other side. There is, of course, more to the theory than we see at the final upper stage. And it is even possible he is right about what might happen in the US next, assuming someone can be induced to actually take those crucial first steps.
His economic calculations have led him to believe that the U.S. economy is primed, after a decade of slow growth and middle-class income stagnation, to grow rapidly – it just needs a big tax reform bill that would lower rates and eliminate most deductions. . . .
This is Laffer’s unshakeable belief: that once voters elect a supply-side acolyte to the White House, massive growth will follow. That growth will please voters. Voters will reward the president’s party. And Republicans, he predicts, will go on to enjoy a generation-long lock on Washington – until, he says, voters forget the power of supply-side economics, and the cycle begins again.
Here, alas, we are still trying to unwind from the old cycle never mind starting a new one.
MORE ALONG THE SAME LINES BUT FROM AUSTRALIA: Peter Costello’s taxing truths. Here is what you need to know but do read the rest:
The government has been hurt by the former treasurer’s claim that it is leaning too heavily on tax increases and not enough on spending cuts to repair the budget.
Raising taxes is bad economics and will repel votes. Other than that, it’s a great idea.
Academic publishing and policy
Someone wrote of nice review of my Defending the History of Economic Thought. So I wrote him back:
I am sorry that it has taken me so much time to write to you about your review of my book. But it was so excellent and added so much to what I had written myself, that I didn’t wish to just dash something off but preferred till I had time to sit down and write a more complete response. And till now, time has been in short supply. Yesterday, I read the review through for the third time and found it even more remarkable than when I read it the first time.
I naturally am very happy to find a positive review, which is rare enough at any time. But what completely stopped me was not only that we were absolutely on the same side on these issues, but that you had added much more to what I had originally written. I did indeed learn a great deal from reading what you wrote.
The most important part was your explanation of why there has been such a comprehensive turn from HET. As soon as I read what you wrote about the nature of the academic world today, and how the aim is publication of worthless articles in even more worthless journals, I could see exactly what you meant. It, of course, surrounds me here as well, since the pressure is put on all of us to publish. The result then is that the focus is not on whether we are furthering some policy debate, but whether we have made a point sufficiently different from someone else that will convince two referees and an editor that the points made are worth going into print. Whether any of it has relevance as a means to understand how an economy works, or whether there are any valid policy implications, is typically so far from anyone’s mind that it may not matter at all. I have had a policy background for most of my career and it has struck me far too often when I go through the journals that pass my way that there seems few if any useful conclusions to draw from most of the articles published. Having read your review, I can now see more clearly what is going on, and also can see more clearly what an obstacle keeping HET within economics must be to those who think of HET as an opportunity to write about some vacuous issue distantly related to some economist of the past.
The role of positivism is one that I had not considered before and will take some time to look into. You put “organised ignorance” in quotation marks so I wasn’t sure whether you were just distancing yourself from the sentiment, or whether it is a well-known quote that I had not come across before. But whichever it was, I was more than comfortable with the point. I now think of economic theory as an actual menace to good economic policy. I don’t know how much you know of my other work, but mostly I find myself lamenting the disastrous sets of policies that flow from our macroeconomic theories, and what I think of as even worse, the almost complete absence of any serious re-thinking about how to conceptualise the world, or how to fashion policies that will actually cause an economy to grow and employ.
But really, the changing nature of academic economics as a means to publish something is so bizarre that if this is really the way it is, we have become the Mediaeval Schoolmen we still laugh at. There is almost nothing we cannot gather data on and run a regression through the numbers. Whether human knowledge is thereby advanced is another story. I have to say that what you have described is a singularly depressing set of circumstances, but I cannot truly see in what way you are obviously wrong. I must merely hope that in amongst all of these publications that flow into the world each year, there is still good economics going on, and that somehow the best will rise to the top and be noticed.
It’s good politics AND it’s good economics
Here’s the strategy:
Arthur Laffer has a simple theory of politics. It’s about as simple as his theory of economics. . . . The economic theory says that the lowest, simplest tax code will produce the most growth. The political theory goes like this: Politicians crave love from voters. So if you want to get a politician to do what you think is right, give him a plan he can easily sell, and make sure that plan will deliver a lot of crowd-pleasing economic growth.
George Bush Snr sat in the White House for eight years and didn’t learn a thing. Nor did the voters. Even here, we had a government that brought us lower taxes and ongoing prosperity so we rewarded them by bringing in the other side. There is, of course, more to the theory than we see at the final upper stage. And it is even possible he is right about what might happen next, assuming someone can be induced to actually take those crucial first steps.
His economic calculations have led him to believe that the U.S. economy is primed, after a decade of slow growth and middle-class income stagnation, to grow rapidly – it just needs a big tax reform bill that would lower rates and eliminate most deductions. . . .
This is Laffer’s unshakeable belief: that once voters elect a supply-side acolyte to the White House, massive growth will follow. That growth will please voters. Voters will reward the president’s party. And Republicans, he predicts, will go on to enjoy a generation-long lock on Washington – until, he says, voters forget the power of supply-side economics, and the cycle begins again.
I need hardly point out that the Reagan Revolution was based on Laffer’s complete appreciation of Say’s Law.
Starring in the West End
Destroy, only destroy
News below the fold apparently because it might put some people in a bad light. Personally, I think these people should be put in a bad light, but that’s just me.
THE VIDEO HAS BEEN TAKEN DOWN: Perhaps the real sign of our times is that after only two days, the destruction by the Islamic State of the ancient city of Nimrud has been removed. The city is still in ruins, but you can no longer watch the destruction. So there are modern and western equivalents of this same destruction of the past. Orwellian is the word, and will be so long as we are able to read Orwell and understand him. 1984 is unfortunately becoming a manual and is no longer a warning.
Anyway, perhaps this one will remain available.
Comic relief at the AFR
I turned from reading Chris Berg and Sinclair’s serious and excellent article on our real tax problem in the Financial Review to its next door neighbour by Brian Toohey dealing with super which must have been provided for comic relief. What is one to make of its opening two sentences?
Australia has a savings glut. So does much of the globe.
One of those mistakes no classical economist would make but every Keynesian does. Could a modern economist even begin to understand why a classical economist might have thought differently? Probably not, which is why we will raise taxes, maintain public spending and lower interest rates and never know what we are doing wrong.
Obama’s Involvement in Foreign Affairs: “It Needs to Stop!”
Having zero influence on international relations may be a policy of sorts, but it will not end well, especially for America whose foreign policy is being run into the ground. Here’s the story:
President Barack Obama blew a gasket over actions and criticism by Congressional Republicans regarding his negotiations with Iran about that country’s nuclear program, telling them, “It needs to stop!”
Is the American system really designed to give any idiot who becomes president as much power as this with no limit to what they can do? Seems so. Could Hillary really be as bad?
The Alinski metaphor
Saul Alinski is the author of Rules for Radicals, a manual filled with guerrilla tactics for the left. It is based on the assumption that power is almost entirely in the hands of the capitalist class and is projected on behalf of middle class values. The left, therefore, can use only a hit-and-run approach if it is to have any effect at all.
McCarthyism is the use of slander and fabricated evidence to take down an opponent. That there really were communists in the State Department, just as McCarthy said, is neither here nor there. That he was himself the victim of the tactics he never used but which have been associated with his name is one of history’s great ironies. The name is used by everyone, shamefully even by those on the conservative side of politics.
But as some kind of vengeance, “Alinski” is now becoming a term of abuse in the same way as “McCarthy”. This is from Steve Hayward at Powerline, The Alinksy Way of Governing. There he wrote:
My School of Public Policy colleague (and top statewide GOP vote-getter in California last November) Pete Peterson has a nice piece in today’s Wall Street Journal on “The Alinsky Way of Governing” that details the degrading effect Alinskyist politics is having on today’s generation of liberals. (Keep in mind that Hillary Clinton wrote her senior thesis at Wellesley on the greatness of Alinsky.)
The article at the WSJ is indeed called “The Alinsky Way of Governing” [reprinted here]. In the article he specifically recognises the crucial difference between the original and our perceptions today.
This is Alinsky with a twist. Despite myriad philosophical inconsistencies, “Rules for Radicals” is meant to empower the weaker against the stronger.
The argument Peterson makes is that where the left is in a position of power, it should foresake the use of Alinsky tactics, which I’m afraid, is about as absurd as anything I have ever heard said. No one will ever give up what works. This is his final para:
What has happened is that a generation of American politicians who came of age during Saul Alinsky’s lifetime has moved into positions of institutional power that he so often derided as “the enemy.” They are showing an inability to leave behind Alinsky’s tactics that were intended for the weak against the strong. Civil discourse and academic freedom suffer while the “Prince” becomes more powerful.
It is indescribable how ridiculous I think this is. But what I do find encouraging is the metaphor that has now been exposed. Alinskyite tactics now have a meaning, not entirely in keeping with Alinsky’s own views, but very definite all the same.
Alinsky tactics were designed most importantly to make bourgeois society live up to its core values. This it could do because conservatives actually do have values. The left, however, has none, only tactics. The left stands for no specific moral virtues which are based on self-restraint and personal responsibility. Nothing the left ever seeks can be found, for example, in The Ten Commandments. Charity is a Judeo-Christian virtue, not a socialist virtue. Socialism seeks redistribution instead, which is theft and plunder, but pretends it is doing so in the name of equity and justice. It has no clue how to create value, nor does it have a set of values to base one’s life.
An Alinsky tactic is to lie on behalf of some socialist enterprise. The left should have this meaning of Alinsky tied to every pore of its misbegotten philosophy of hatred and destruction.
If you knew Susie
My wife’s birthday is coming up but you’ll have to guess what her name is. Not quite as in the song – she’s an ENTJ – but no one does indeed know Susie like I know Susie. The song makes me happy inside, just as does Susie herself. The right spelling too. In full, Susie Kates.
Here are the lyrics as recorded by Eddie Cantor in 1925
I have got a sweetie known as Susie,
In the words of Shakespeare, “She’s a wow!”.
Though all of you
May know her too,
I’d like to shout right now;
If you knew Susie
Like I know Susie,
Oh, oh, oh what a girl!
There’s none so classy
As this fair lassie,
Oh, oh, oh my goodness what a chassis!
We went riding, she didn’t balk;
From the country,
I’m the one that had to walk!
If you knew Susie
like I know Susie,
Oh, oh what a girl!
Susie has a perfect reputation,
No-one ever saw her on a spree!
Nobody knows
Where Susie goes,
Nobody knows but me!
If you knew Susie
Like I know Susie,
Oh, oh, oh what a girl!
She wears long tresses
And nice tight dresses,
Oh, oh, what a future she possesses!
Out in public, how she can yawn;
In a parlour, you would think the war was on!
If you knew Susie
Like I know Susie,
Oh, oh what a girl!
She’ll spend Sunday praising The Lord,
But on Monday, she’s as dizzy as a Ford!
If you knew Susie
Like I know Susie,
Oh, oh what a girl!
I had a moustache, and trained it like a pup,
She’s got such hot lips, she kissed me once and burned it up!
If you knew Susie
Like I know Susie,
Oh-oh-oh-oh-oh , what a girl!
TRIVIA: Apparently Jolson disliked this song, possibly because it had been badly received by Broadway audiences for the show “Big Boy”, and he gave it to Eddie Cantor to record. “If You Knew Susie” became one of Cantor’s biggest hits and has ever since been associated with him. Jolson is reported to have told Cantor later, “Eddie, if I knew it was that good, I’d never have given it to you!”
And the real Susie:

