Six small ideas

I find modern economic theory so empty of useful ideas that it amazes me that it still survives. Nothing in a modern text ever seems to be of much value in assessing what’s going on or in deciding what policies to pursue. The Economist has put out a series it titles, Six Big Ideas which are standard forms of theory that either state the obvious in complicated ways or state what is almost certainly false in beguilingly simple ways. It is undated so may be quite old. I can only say that once economics ended up in the hands of academics, rather than being the preserve of people engaged in business and the practical realities of life (Ricardo, James and John Stuart Mill), it went off the rails. The one part that makes me think this is a bit old is the discussion of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem, which they describe in this way:

The paper was “remarkable”, according to Alan Deardorff of the University of Michigan, partly because it proved something seemingly obvious to non-economists: free trade with low-wage nations could hurt workers in a high-wage country.

Since this is what Donald Trump is trying to say, seems unlikely they would say it right now.

Ending the insanity

This is insane. This is the mark of a party, a society, a country, a people, a civilization that wants to die. Trump, alone among candidates for high office in this or in the last seven (at least) cycles, has stood up to say: I want to live. I want my party to live. I want my country to live. I want my people to live. I want to end the insanity.

From The Flight 93 Election. Needs to be read in full.

Thoughts on leaving China

The only people who look for green solutions are people who have never worked a day in their lives. Spending a week in Shanghai has reminded me of all of the labour-saving devices we in the West take for granted. Manual labour of the most exhausting kind is found at every turn, you see people bicycling huge piles of goods, carrying things we would put on a delivery truck. It is a time-warp remembrance of what things must have been like for us a generation or two back.

The cruelty and profound ignorance of the Global Warming mob remains a scandal. These people basically intend to deprive everyone of the enormous advantages that electricity and the internal combustion engine have provided. They sit in their air-conditioned offices, paid for the cushiest jobs, providing nothing of value to the world. Meanwhile those in developing economies – the ones they wish to deprive of the power we take for granted – live at a standard of living fantastically below the level the bottom quartile of our societies not just take for granted, but feel shortchanged that their ability to consume is not higher than it is.

I am also more amazed than ever that Shanghai works at all. A population greater than the whole of Australia’s in an area about the size of Melbourne must be a logistical nightmare. It wouldn’t work at all if everyone had a car. They will get richer, but they will have to abandon their government-owned enterprises which will take a long time, since the unemployment they would create would be impossible to deal with. But having listened to and spoken with China’s greatest Mises-Hayek scholar, eventually they will move in the direction of Singapore and Hong Kong. Markets work, and the Chinese understand this. Meanwhile, we in the West are centralising our economies more than ever. Which calls this to mind.

Come writers and critics
Who prophesize with your pen
And keep your eyes wide
The chance won’t come again
And don’t speak too soon
For the wheel’s still in spin
And there’s no tellin’ who
That it’s namin’
For the loser now
Will be later to win
For the times they are a-changin’.

The wheel, my friends, is still in spin as it always is. Between Hillary and Merkel, and those of the same mentality who may come after, there is no telling what things will be like by mid-century.

Meanwhile, looking forward to being back in Australia in the morning.

Classical policy and the ongoing crisis

Still in Shanghai where the G20 is about to be held today and tomorrow and this is the story on the front page of The Weekend China Daily: Slow global growth sets challenges. From which:

How to revitalize a slowing global economy when many policy tools have been exhausted will be a key challenge for leaders at the G20 summit. . . .

Eight years after the global financial crisis, growth has failed to return to anything that would have been considered normal before the crisis.

Of course, it is those very policy tools that have been the problem. I presented my paper on the classical model to a group who would know be more likely to know whether I had deviated from the original texts than any other group alive, here at the UK History of Economics Conference, and the only criticism was that it is too wide to call it “the” classical model, but it would be OK to call it the John Stuart Mill model. Good enough for me. But what did not seem to occur to anyone is that if that is what Mill did say, and if you take his model seriously, as I do, you would never do the things we have been doing to make the economy come right.

For more on this, in the latest Quadrant, there is an article on classical interest rate policies in contrast to what you see today. More on this when I return.

Murdoch is open borders and closed to Trump

An old story but not yet reported on or confirmed till now: Rupert Murdoch instructed Fox News to take down Donald Trump. The link takes you a quote from an article in NY Mag.

Murdoch was not a fan of Trump’s and especially did not like his stance on immigration. (The antipathy was mutual: “Murdoch’s been very bad to me,” Trump told me in March.) A few days before the first GOP debate on Fox in August 2015, Murdoch called Ailes at home. “This has gone on long enough,” Murdoch said, according to a person briefed on the conversation.

Murdoch told Ailes he wanted Fox’s debate moderators — Kelly, Bret Baier, and Chris Wallace — to hammer Trump on a variety of issues. Ailes, understanding the GOP electorate better than most at that point, likely thought it was a bad idea. “Donald Trump is going to be the Republican nominee,” Ailes told a colleague around this time. But he didn’t fight Murdoch on the debate directive.

On the night of August 6, in front of 24 million people, the Fox moderators peppered Trump with harder-hitting questions. But it was Kelly’s question regarding Trump’s history of crude comments about women that created a media sensation. He seemed personally wounded by her suggestion that this spoke to a temperament that might not be suited for the presidency. “I’ve been very nice to you, though I could probably maybe not be based on the way you have treated me,” he said pointedly.

Trump goes to Mexico

If, by now, you do not see Donald Trump as someone who might actually achieve many of the things that you who might pretend to be on the right side of politics want, then you might as well own up to being an open-borders socialist at heart. If this isn’t “presidential” – as in agenda setting and developing policies to achieve your ends – then I don’t know what is.

MEXICO CITY: TRUMP LAYS OUT FIVE SHARED GOALS…
PROMOTES RIGHT TO BUILD WALL…
MEX PREZ: ‘OPEN AND CONSTRUCTIVE’ CONVERSATION…
Willing to Deal on NAFTA…
Hillary Hits Donald Hard…
YORK: Big gamble…
RAMOS GOES LOCO…
WASH POST LEAD THURSDAY: Some Mexicans angry at their own president for meeting…

In politics – in life – you don’t get everything you want. But it doesn’t come much closer than this. For our time, he may be the Winston Churchill of the West. And there is no one else who could possibly do what needs to be done. He may not succeed, but at least he wants to and seems to have the skills and savvy to do it.

Classical economics comes to China

I am in China where I have just given my paper on classical economic theory and supply-side economics, which was as well received as any paper I have ever given. Coincidentally, this was the Liberty Quote as I came to write this post.

Economic freedom is an essential requisite for political freedom. By enabling people to cooperate with one another without coercion or central direction, it reduces the area over which political power is exercised.

FWIW so far as classical economics is concerned, I was speaking to a group who get it. They understand Mill even if they don’t read him, and get the point about what is needed to run an economy. The paper I am now looking most forward to at the History of Economic Conference which starts on the weekend is titled, “The Diffusion of F.A. Hayek’s Thought in Mainland China and Taiwan”. If ever there is a place where Y=C+I+G seems more certain for the dustbin of history, this is it. Try this out from the paper:

His thoughts [that is, Hayek’s thoughts] about market economy and the Rule of Law have now begun to influence the process of China reforms in practice.”

Let me just add this from the paper about the attitude to Keynes.

When socialist central planned economy had become popular globally and Keynes’s theory had occupied the commanding heights of economic thought, Mises and Hayek could still keep their ‘cool heads’ and criticize the impossibility of a centrally planned economy. They even concluded that these practices that were opposed to the liberal market theories would completely fail finally. The predictions of these liberals, we can argue, have all turned out to be true.

The future is certainly a foreign country, and who knows what it may bring.

Who can we find to deal with political parties that pander to grievance?

In comparison with the ditherer-in-chief, we have this: Tony Abbott speech warns on lack of power to reform. The article begins:

Tony Abbott has backed Scott Morrison’s warning about the number of Australian households that do not pay tax, in a major speech that steps up the case for budget and economic reform despite the challenges of the new parliament.

The former prime minister rebuked Labor for its “relentless negativity” and urged Malcolm Turnbull to fight for the Liberal Party’s core beliefs rather than giving up on spending cuts.

Mr Abbott defended his legacy, including his firm line on business welfare when Qantas sought a commonwealth guarantee, given the airline announced a bumper profit this week without the help of government aid.

He also warned of a lack of government power to enact reform, given that Julia Gillard’s administration was about to legislate 90 per cent of its bills with its alliance with the Greens but that this fell to 80 per cent in the next parliament when Labor and the Senate crossbench blocked the Abbott government’s plans.

“In other words, it was not the hung parliament that suffered from ‘relentless negativity’,” Mr Abbott said.

“This will also be a challenging parliament for reformers because every difficult change will have to run the gauntlet of political parties that pander to grievance.”

And his final word:

“Our challenge is not to move closer to Labor in the hope of being a smaller target,” he said.

“It’s to make the differences crystal clear so that voters can choose a party that puts its faith in empowered citizens rather than empowered officials.”

There are a few of us out here who might agree with this from the comments:

Tony Abbott is still the predominant voice in politics which speaks with the most clarity of purpose.

Now that voters have had a year of Turnbull, his waffling, meandering policy, his lost sense of purpose and his lack of performance … surely there is no one left who would still prefer Turnbull over a return to Abbott as the national leader.

Well, other than Niki Savva, there is probably no one left like that at all.

Stuck in the slow lane

It is a wonder that people who write about interest rate policy don’t bother to actually read what they have written. This is from All eyes on Yellen interest rate dilemma in today’s AFR.

When US Federal Reserve chair Janet Yellen speaks at the Fed’s annual Jackson Hole central banking conference on Friday, investors and economists will want to know how low she thinks interest rates should be set in this brave new world of lacklustre economic growth, weak productivity and soft inflation.

All this with interest rates as low as possible. Whatever low rates have or have not done, they most clearly have not set the economy on fire. So we then have this three paras later:

Policymakers worry that with rates stuck not far above zero in the US, at record lows in Australia and in negative territory in Europe and Japan, central bankers will have little firepower up their sleeves to stimulate the economy in a future economic downturn or crisis.

It was once understood that low interest rates actually cause an economy to stall. And even if you didn’t know this, you think that someone might just begin to consider that low rates do not provide much “firepower” at all. I would actually go further and argue that low interest rates make the economy perform far worse than it otherwise would.

It’s like public spending. If you don’t understand the economic dynamic, increased spending, like lower rates, sounds just like what the economy needs. Both make things worse, but who is ever going to go through the pain of adjustment that cutting spending and raising rates would require? Since no one will, it’s hard to see a genuine recovery any time soon.