Yet another Keynesian success – the twenty years and counting Japanese lost decade

There has never been a single Keynesian success in any place at any time. David Stockman does a review of Japan as it goes into its third recession since the 1990s. But what is notable is that the Japanese seem incapable of learning from their mistakes.

In short, these Keynesian apparatchiks have created a straw man that suits the purposes of their political masters on the fiscal front by rationalizing the monetization of endless amounts of public debt; and it empowers the state’s central banking branch to engage in plenary manipulation of the entire financial system on the misbegotten theory that fiat credit and bubble wealth can cause real production, incomes and wealth to rise.

Stated differently, Keynesian fiscal policies and central banking regimes have buried the public sectors of most of the world’s major economies in unsustainable debt. Now they propose to double down on more of the same because an entire generation of politicians have been house-trained in permanent fiscal profligacy and endless kicking of the fiscal can down the road.

To be sure, in putting off Japan’s day of fiscal reckoning once again, this time until 2017, Prime Minister Abe is proving himself to be a certifiable madman. In short order, however, he will have plenty of company all around the planet.

That was the conclusion; now go read the rest.

The endless supply of Keynesian nonsense

I have now received Louis-Philippe Rochon’s reply to my critique of Keynesian economics which was the lead comment in an exchange we are having on Keynesian economics. His reply comes under the heading, How to Promote a Global Economic Recovery? “The worst infliction we can impose on our economies is to leave them to the tyranny of the markets”.

Thus, from the very heading I can see how far apart we are. There are an astonishing number of techniques and approaches that can be used to manage an economy with public spending to get an economy out of recession only one amongst this vast array of possibilities. If you are going to start with the assumption that not trying to spend your wasteful way to recovery is the same as laissez-faire then there is no possibility of ever understanding how badly our economies are now being mismanaged. But perhaps that is just the title. What more does his letter say? Let me pick up his argument point by point, starting with this misbegotten piece of theory.

The driving force behind economic growth both in the short run and the long run is aggregate demand, pure and simple. . . . Yes, that’s right: more government spending leads to more investment. It’s a crowding-in effect!

Nothing to lift an economy like public investment! Every business like the post office. Every investment another Solyndra. All subsidised with nothing self-sustaining through the revenues it earns. Dig a hole and get fill it in again. Don’t worry about earning a greater return than the funds outlayed. Just close your eyes and spend. Don’t worry, it will all work out once that magic multiplier cuts in. If this is all there is to the theory, there is nothing there but wishes and wind. But there is also your recollection of those magic Keynesian moments at the end of World War II.

My recollection of Keynesian policies is quite different: they contributed to 3 wonderful decades of growth following WWII – what we fondly call the Golden Years of capitalism. Keynes is quite evidently the greatest economist of the 20th century who saved capitalism from self-destruction. For that, he is remembered as one of the greatest thinkers.

First, the General Theory was published in 1936, three years after the Depression had come to an end in every economy but the United States, where it dragged on until the coming of the war to the US in 1941. And, of course, those three wonderful post-war decades were preceded by the decision of the United States in 1945-46 to balance its budget immediately. The massive wartimes deficits were instantaneously brought to an end and a balanced budget put in its place even with millions returning to the workforce after being mustered out of their wartime military service or from their jobs in wartime industries. The Keynesians of 1945 all wanted a continuing deficit but Truman turned them down.

How does a Keynesian explain that, I wonder? We are instead reminded of the supposedly woeful economic outcomes of the 1980s, which I must confess not to remember in quite the same way as this:

By contrast, starting from the 1980s, with the monetarist debacle and the real business cycle shenanigans, we ended up with less average growth and higher average unemployment rates.

It is a contrast, of course, but the contrast of importance is with the 1970s, the greatest period of Keynesian disaster until the one we are in the midst of now. The catastrophic stagflation of the 1970s, where deficits and spending only led to high unemployment and a blowout in inflation that could only ultimately be controlled by a fierce monetary policy that finally did regenerate a period of prosperity that continued for another two decades. But what about the period after the GFC when governments were spending hand over fist on one stimulus after another.

While governments did put into place Keynesian aggregate demand policies in 2009, they quickly abandoned these policies in 2010 in favour of austerity measures.

A one-year stimulus, was it? The US is the paradigm example. Despite Congressional attempts to slow the growth in the deficit, the attempt to contain public spending in the US only seriously began with the sequester in 2013!
And indeed, the White House specifically dates the commencement of the sequestration from the first of March that year. If ever a stimulus was given time to work itself out, that was then. The disastrous response of the American economy to the stimulus is perfectly in line with my own argument. The very belief that conditions were improving up until the sequestration began can only mean we are living in a parallel universe.

But how much we differ on the timing when restraint finally began, we can certainly agree on the current disaster. He may think it’s because the stimulus was brought to an end too soon. I think of it as the inevitable consequence of a Keynesian policy.

When you look at aggregate demand today, it is at best anemic. Consumers are saddled with debt, and private investment has flatlined; austerity measures are being imposed everywhere. There is no room for growth. That leaves only exports to ensure a recovery. But with Europe on the verge of deflation, the BRIC countries slowing down, the prospects for exports are dimming. So where will growth come from? I am afraid that without aggressive fiscal deficit spending, we are dooming future generations and ourselves to another decade or more of weak economic growth.

On this much we can agree, that the world’s economies are in a mess. Consumers deep in debt, savings eaten away by low productivity government spending, and private investment going nowhere. And I didn’t just say the stimulus would not work; I said the stimulus would make things much much worse. You describe what I see, but I expected things to end like this from the start. You could only start to recognise a problem more than a year later, and only because by then it was obvious to all and sundry that in every place the stimulus had been introduced economic conditions had become much worse. You nevertheless continue to believe that the problem is not enough government spending.

This secular stagnation is the direct result of a lack of fiscal spending advocated by austerity voodoo doctors and charlatans.

I understand that the principle of cause and effect never applies to Keynesian theory. The plain fact is that there has never been a single instance in the whole of the period since the General Theory was written that a public sector stimulus has been able to bring a recession to an end. There is not one single solitary example, with the coming of World War II the only supposed example when unemployment ended mostly because half the male population under 30 was put into the military.

It is not aggregate demand that matters, but value adding aggregate supply. You must do more than build brick walls, you must build where what is built actually contributes to future prosperity. To think more holes dug up and then refilled can generate recovery because it constitutes “fiscal spending” is the essence of economic illiteracy. And for true economic illiteracy, it’s hard to go past your program for recovery:

First, we must replace private debt with public debt.

Second, we must put job creation above all other goals.

Third, we must deal head on with the problem of income inequality, which is at the very core of the crisis in aggregate demand.

Fourth, with respect to Europe . . . they must either adopt the proper federal institutions to deal with the problems facing the Southern countries, or get rid of the Euro all together.

That is to say: we must socialise our economies.

Private debt is incurred by private sector firms. To replace this debt with public debt would so obviously drive us into us deep recession that it is almost impossible to understand how this is not perfectly obvious to you.

If such a program appeals to you merely because of this aggregate demand incantation of yours, I’m afraid, your program would be part of the problem and in no way part of any solution. I fear, however, that three quarters of a century after the publication of The General Theory, economics is now at such a low ebb that what you have written will look like perfect good sense, even as every attempt to do what you have suggested would make things worse than they already are.

In times gone by, before Keynes, economists talked about “effective demand”, that is, what had to happen to turn desire for products into an ability to buy those products. Now it is aggregate demand – the total level of demand – which has leached the original concept of any understanding that for everyone to buy from each other, they first have to produce what each other wish to buy. If that is not obvious, then common sense has gone from the world.

But I say again. A short post cannot state everything that needs to be said. For a more complete explanation of these issues and what needs to be done, you must turn to the second edition of my Free Market Economics. It’s still not too late, but it is getting later all the time.

Debating Keynesian economics with a Keynesian

We are slowly but ever so surely finding our standard of living slipping away. In spite of all that public spending and the deficits and mounting debt – well actually because of all these things – we are slowing going under. Most of us find we are doing without some things we took for granted not that long ago. Whether you look to the US, the UK, Europe, Japan or Australia, a return to rising real incomes and full employment continues to look ever more remote.

And it’s not for lack of public sector “stimulus”. Those deficits continue and even so the money market geniuses keep worrying about deflation. What are we to do? More QE? More debt? More government subsidies for projects that cannot be funded through the revenues they are expected to earn? These are the textbook answers from the textbooks provided to every economic student in the world.

It is all the same Keynesian rot that has not only never worked on any occasion that it has been tried, it has always with no exception made economic conditions worse. If you know of some example where public spending led to recovery, please let me know. For myself, I can give you chapter and verse on all of the failures, and yet nothing seems to be more everlasting than a textbook theory that is simple, plausible and wrong.

I am now in the midst of an online debate with Louis-Philippe Rochon, an Associate Professor of economics, founding co-editor of the Review of Keynesian Economics and co-editor of New Directions in Post-Keynesian Economics. It has been organised by Edward Elgar between two of its authors, and I have just had my first go in an exchange of letters. I have also discussed this debate at Quadrant Online.

The problem remains for me remains as it always was:

What I can tell you from personal experience is that the notion of aggregate demand as a driver of economic activity is now so universally believed that it is nearly impossible to get anyone even to see that it might possibly be wrong, that there is another way of thinking about things. But before Keynes came on the scene, no economist, other than a handful of cranks, ever thought that economies were driven from the demand side.

To deny the independent existence of aggregate demand is so conceptually disorienting to an economist educated any time over the past half century that it is near impossible to get them even to see what you mean. But I have had my go and I expect Louis-Phillipe to answer in the next day or so. I am pleased that he has taken this on, but I remain curious how he will respond. I can only say that no one has ever been brave enough to take this on before. I have had plenty of slanging and ignorant comment. But if it is possible to show that aggregate demand for anything however wasteful can ever promote economic growth and higher employment – NBN, mothballed desal plants, bridges to nowhere – I hope to hear it now.

The consequences of a Keynesian stimulus

These are really 15 consequences of using a Keynesian stimulus to turn your economy around. Wasteful spending blows your productivity on useless junk while passing purchasing power over to the people on the receiving end of government payments who almost never create value with the funds they receive. The genius is that while our political elites help out their friends, they can pretend they are doing it all to help the people who they harm the most. This is a depressing list, which the linked article goes into with some depth.

1: Wage Stagnation.

2: Most people still haven’t recouped what they lost in the crash: Typical Household Wealth Has Plunged 36% Since 2003.

3: Most working people are still living hand-to-mouth.

4: Millennials are Drowning in Red Ink.

5: Downward mobility is the new reality.

6: People are more vulnerable than ever.

7: Working people are getting poorer: The Typical Household, Now Worth a Third.

8: Most people can’t even afford to get their teeth fixed.

9: The good, high-paying jobs have vanished.

10: More workers are throwing in the towel: Labor Participation Rate Drops To 36 Year Low.

11: Nearly twice as many people still rely on Food Stamps than before the recession.

12: The ocean of red ink continues to grow.

13: No Recovery for working people.

14: Most people will work until they die.

15: Americans are more pessimistic about the future.

It is astonishing to see how rapidly the deterioration has overtaken even so strong an economy as the United States. But at the centre of this disaster is the Keynesian theory that has allowed it to happen with virtually no one any longer able to understand the nature of the problem.

800 proposals and hardly a good idea to be seen

First there’s Cameron: world facing second economic crash and then there’s Japan slides into recession as tax hike takes toll. First Cameron:

David Cameron has said that “red warning lights are flashing on the dashboard of the global economy” and a second global crash could be looming.

And then Japan:

Japan’s economy unexpectedly shrank in the third quarter as housing and business investment declined following a tax hike, dragging the country into a recession and further clouding the outlook for the global economy.

But really, for me the most incredible news today was this in the AFR:

The growth agenda involved the G20 members submitting more than 800 proposals to grow their economies by 2.1 per cent over five years.

I suppose the 2.1 per cent is per annum, but even so, this is pathetic. I don’t recall a single one of any of these leaders saying anything along the lines of we need to get the government out of the way of the private sector. Nothing about making it easier for businesses to turn a dollar.

Instead, there’s plenty of more government spending – infrastructure is the new mantra – more taxation and still more unfunded welfare payments. We truly are heading for a fall. But unlike during the Great Depression, where other than in the US, every government successfully embraced classical principles to forge recovery, today I would not think there is a Treasury or a government, even in the so-called capitalist world, that is even thinking of using capitalists to get us out of the deep waters we are in. Truly we are going to go over the falls for a second time with not a single lesson learned.

Debating Keynes

The single most timely piece of economic writing I ever managed to put together was for Quadrant which was published online in February 2009 just as the various stimulus packages were being rolled out across the world. The title it was given, much more aggressive than I might have chosen myself, was The Dangerous Return to Keynesian Economics. And while the whole thing could have been written today without the need for a single change to bring it up to date, the passage I have quoted time and again is this:

What is potentially catastrophic would be to try to spend our way to recovery. The recession that will follow will be deep, prolonged and potentially take years to overcome.

Keynesian economics is, was and always will be a disaster wherever it is applied. That virtually no one understands why that is after three generations of economists have gone through their economics education with standard Keynesian macro at its core is to be expected. What is far less expected is that there has been no serious effort to examine more closely what went wrong after the failures of the stimulus.

As it happens I am at the start of an online debate with Louis-Philippe Rochon, Associate Professor of economics at Laurentian University, the founding co-editor of Review of Keynesian Economics and co-editor of New Directions in Post-Keynesian Economics which is an Edward Elgar book series. One presumes that if anyone can defend Keynesian economics he is the one to do it.

I, however, have been the one to open the batting. Keynesian economics has so many different disguises that unless I could narrow the lines of the debate to within some kind of practical dimensions there would have been no hope of limiting the range of where such a conversation might end up. Elgar has now published the first of these exchanges, How to Promote a Global Economic Recovery? The Keynesian vs. Free Market Approach. Crucially, the delimiting of the debate was the first essential. I therefore began with this:

There are about as many versions of Keynesian theory as there are Keynesians but all versions have two things in common. The first is that economies are driven by aggregate demand. The second is that an economy’s rate of growth and level of employment can be increased by increasing aggregate demand, either through higher public spending or lowering rates of interest. Both are wrong and the destructive consequences of these beliefs are everywhere to be seen.

What I can tell you from personal experience is that the notion of aggregate demand as a driver of economic activity is now so universally believed that it is nearly impossible to get anyone even to see that it might possibly be wrong, that there is another way of thinking about things. But before Keynes came on the scene, no economist, other than a handful of cranks, ever thought that economies were driven from the demand side. What they believed instead was this:

Certainly a government can itself employ, or can buy from others causing those others to employ. And those additional employees can use their incomes to buy things from others still. And so, for a brief period of time, we can say there has been an increase in employment relative to how many might otherwise have been employed.

But unless whatever has been produced is value adding, as time goes by these additional employees merely drain away the productive capacity of the economy. Savings are indeed absorbed but the value left behind is lower than the value used up during production. The economy not only remains stagnant, it winds even further down as its resource base is diverted into wasteful forms of expenditure.

This is the classical pre-Keynesian view of how an economy works and why a stimulus never will. That the classical theory so perfectly captures the economics world we see around us should at least make someone stop and think about the macroeconomics we teach. There should therefore have been at least some consideration that giving politicians and public servants the power to direct such large proportions of our economic resources could not possibly have improved economic outcomes but would only make conditions worse. These are people who, except in the rarest of circumstances, have absolutely no ability to direct a productive enterprise in a value adding way, as they have shown at every turn. It has therefore been astonishing to see that thus far there has been virtually no re-consideration of Keynesian theory and the policies it underwrites, given the evident failures of the stimulus everywhere it has been introduced.

In a week’s time, Louis-Philippe will provide his reply to what I have written. I will naturally post what he writes since I am extremely curious to find out whether there is something I have missed, some bone-crunching reply to the issues I have raised. Although I have looked everywhere for some such reply, thus far I have found nothing, but we shall see.

Obviously, my arguments cannot be properly explained in a brief note of a thousand words. If you are interested in understanding not only why Keynesian economics provides no solutions to our economic problems, but also what should be done instead, read the second edition of my Free Market Economics: an Introduction for the General Reader. There is literally nothing else like it anywhere, which is itself a large part of the problem we have.

Paul Keating, my part in his success

Paul Keating has written an article, Shining a light on the record, in which he takes credit for the economic direction during the Hawke Labor Government the direction of which, according to him, Hawke played no significant part.

In 1988 the business was dominated by the huge May statement, which included the seminal change in the tariff structure driven by me and bringing forth an August budget with a record $5.5bn surplus. While in 1989 the agenda was dominated by a bursting economy, rising interest rates, a May 2 statement with tax cuts to prevent a major wage breakout and a budget surplus of $1.9bn.

The public record — that is, the newspaper record of the major dailies covering all of those events — makes clear that I was the progenitor of the policy responses to those issues throughout the five years. I cannot for a second ­believe my three former colleagues have forgotten the magnitude of these events or how the cabinet stewardship of them was conducted.

Well, my own personal recollection, which I admit may be faulty, is that it was me that made all the difference. All Keating did was follow the ACCI pre-Budget submission which I had written. It worked like a charm until, moronically, Keating decided the economy was overheating and brought on the recession we had to have. I told him not to do it, but by then it was too late. He had decided to follow Treasury’s advice instead of mine. It was all downhill from there.

Business conditions jumped by a record amount in October

You never know what surprises are in store if you get the budget under control and encourage the private sector. Merely a straw in the wind but the direction is right. These are the results from the latest National Bank monthly survey.

BUSINESS conditions jumped by a record amount in October, hitting their highest level since early 2008 on the back of a strong start to the fourth quarter, according to a private survey.

National Australia Bank’s monthly business survey showed a sharp jump in business conditions — the largest monthly increase in the history of the survey — up 12 points on the index, to a reading of 13.

But NAB chief economist Alan Oster said the improvement may still be an aberration, considering the downward trend in business confidence.

The survey showed business confidence continuing to erode, as firms remain uncertain over near-term demand. The index dropped 1 point to a reading of 4, its lowest level since a pre-election jump in mid-2013.

But looking beyond monthly volatility, business conditions still came in with a reading above the long-term trend, Mr Oster said.

While confidence levels vary greatly across industries, the services sector has been the most consistently optimistic.

Mr Oster said despite consumer caution and rising unemployment, it was particularly surprising to see retail conditions lift strongly, up 15 points, albeit to still low levels.

The mining sector also saw an improvement in both confidence and conditions, recording the largest jumps in both, but still remained the sector with the lowest overall conditions reading.

The large jump in business conditions pointed to a strong start to the fourth quarter, Mr Oster said.

Krugman’s intro to The General Theory

This is Brad De Long’s edited version of Paul Krugman’s 2006 introduction to The General Theory:

In the spring of 2005 a panel of “conservative scholars and policy leaders” was asked to identify the most dangerous books of the 19th and 20th centuries…. Charles Darwin and Betty Friedan ranked high on the list. But The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money did very well, too. In fact, John Maynard Keynes beat out V.I. Lenin and Frantz Fanon. Keynes, who declared in the book’s oft-quoted conclusion that “soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil,” [384] would probably have been pleased.

Over the past 70 years The General Theory has shaped the views even of those who haven’t heard of it, or who believe they disagree with it. A businessman who warns that falling confidence poses risks for the economy is a Keynesian, whether he knows it or not. A politician who promises that his tax cuts will create jobs by putting spending money in peoples’ pockets is a Keynesian, even if he claims to abhor the doctrine. Even self-proclaimed supply-side economists, who claim to have refuted Keynes, fall back on unmistakably Keynesian stories to explain why the economy turned down in a given year….

It’s probably safe to assume that the “conservative scholars and policy leaders” who pronounced The General Theory one of the most dangerous books of the past two centuries haven’t read it. But they’re sure it’s a leftist tract, a call for big government and high taxes…. [T]he arrival of Keynesian economics in American classrooms was delayed by a nasty case of academic McCarthyism. The first introductory textbook to present Keynesian thinking, written by the Canadian economist Lorie Tarshis, was targeted by a right-wing pressure campaign aimed at university trustees. As a result of this campaign, many universities that had planned to adopt the book for their courses cancelled their orders, and sales of the book, which was initially very successful, collapsed. Professors at Yale University, to their credit, continued to assign the book; their reward was to be attacked by the young William F. Buckley for propounding “evil ideas.”

But Keynes was no socialist – he came to save capitalism, not to bury it. And there’s a sense in which The General Theory was… a conservative book…. Keynes wrote during a time of mass unemployment, of waste and suffering on an incredible scale. A reasonable man might well have concluded that capitalism had failed, and that only… the nationalization of the means of production – could restore economic sanity…. Keynes argued that these failures had surprisingly narrow, technical causes… because Keynes saw the causes of mass unemployment as narrow and technical, he argued that the problem’s solution could also be narrow and technical: the system needed a new alternator, but there was no need to replace the whole car. In particular, “no obvious case is made out for a system of State Socialism which would embrace most of the economic life of the community.”… Keynes argued that much less intrusive government policies could ensure adequate effective demand, allowing the market economy to go on as before.

Still, there is a sense in which free-market fundamentalists are right to hate Keynes. If your doctrine says that free markets, left to their own devices, produce the best of all possible worlds, and that government intervention in the economy always makes things worse, Keynes is your enemy. And he is an especially dangerous enemy because his ideas have been vindicated so thoroughly by experience.

Stripped down, the conclusions of The General Theory might be expressed as four bullet points:

1. Economies can and often do suffer from an overall lack of demand, which leads to involuntary unemployment

2. The economy’s automatic tendency to correct shortfalls in demand, if it exists at all, operates slowly and painfully

3. Government policies to increase demand, by contrast, can reduce unemployment quickly

4. Sometimes increasing the money supply won’t be enough to persuade the private sector to spend more, and government spending must step into the breach

To a modern practitioner of economic policy, none of this – except, possibly, the last point – sounds startling or even especially controversial. But these ideas weren’t just radical when Keynes proposed them; they were very nearly unthinkable. And the great achievement of The General Theory was precisely to make them thinkable….

So now let’s talk about the core of the book, and what it took for Keynes to write it…. In Book I, as Keynes gives us a first taste of what he’s going to do, he writes of Malthus, whose intuition told him that general failures of demand were possible, but had no model to back that intuition: “[S]ince Malthus was unable to explain clearly (apart from an appeal to the facts of common observation) how and why effective demand could be deficient or excessive, he failed to provide an alternative construction; and Ricardo conquered England as completely as the Holy Inquisition conquered Spain.”… That need to “provide an alternative construction” explains many of the passages in The General Theory that, 70 years later, can seem plodding or even turgid…. When you’re challenging a long-established orthodoxy, the vision thing doesn’t work unless you’re very precise about the details….

Keynes’s struggle with classical economics was much more difficult than we can easily imagine today. Modern introductory economics textbooks – the new book by Krugman and Wells included – usually contain a discussion of something we call the “classical model” of the price level. But that model offers far too flattering a picture of the classical economics Keynes had to escape from. What we call the classical model today is really a post-Keynesian attempt to rationalize pre-Keynesian views…. The real classical model… was, essentially, a model of a barter economy, in which money and nominal prices don’t matter, with a monetary theory of the price level appended in a non-essential way, like a veneer on a tabletop. It was a model in which Say’s Law applied…. One measure of how hard it was for Keynes to divest himself of Say’s Law is that to this day some people deny what Keynes realized – that the “law” is, at best, a useless tautology when individuals have the option of accumulating money rather than purchasing real goods and services….

There’s a widespread impression among modern macroeconomists that we’ve left Keynes behind, for better or for worse. But that impression, I’d argue, is based either on a misreading or a nonreading…. If you don’t read Keynes himself, but only read his work as refracted through various interpreters, it’s easy to imagine that The General Theory is much cruder than it is…. Let me address one issue in particular: did Paul Samuelson, whose 1948 textbook introduced the famous 45-degree diagram to explain the multiplier, misrepresent what Keynes was all about? There are commentators who insist passionately that Samuelson defiled the master’s thought. Yet I can’t see any significant difference between Samuelson’s formulation and Keynes’s own equation for equilibrium employment, right there in Chapter 3: [29]. Represented graphically, Keynes’s version looks a lot like Samuelson’s diagram; quantities are measured in wage units rather than constant dollars, and the nifty 45-degree feature is absent, but the logic is exactly the same.

The bottom line, then, is that we really are all Keynesians now. A very large part of what modern macroeconomists do derives directly from The General Theory; the framework Keynes introduced holds up very well to this day.

Yet there were, of course, important things that Keynes missed or failed to anticipate. The strongest criticism one can make of The General Theory is that Keynes mistook an episode for a trend. He wrote in a decade when even a near-zero interest rate wasn’t low enough to restore full employment, and brilliantly explained the implications of that fact – in particular, the trap in which the Bank of England and the Federal Reserve found themselves, unable to create employment no matter how much they tried to increase the money supply. He knew that matters had not always been thus. But he believed, wrongly, that the monetary environment of the 1930s would be the norm from then on…. In the United States the era of ultra-low interest rates ended in the 1950s… Yet the United States has, in general, succeeded in achieving adequate levels of effective demand. The British experience has been similar. And although there is large-scale unemployment in continental Europe, that unemployment seems to have more to do with supply-side issues than with sheer lack of demand…. [Keynes] underestimated the ability of mature economies to stave off diminishing returns. Keynes’s “euthanasia of the rentier” was predicated on the presumption that as capital accumulates, profitable private investment projects become harder to find…. [T]he euthanasia of the rentier does not seem imminent. But there’s an even more important factor that has kept interest rates relatively high, and monetary policy effective: persistent inflation, which has become embedded in expectations…. [E]ven now, when inflation is considered low, most of the 20-year rate reflects expected inflation rather than expected real returns.

The irony is that persistent inflation, which makes The General Theory seem on the surface somewhat less directly relevant… can be attributed in part to Keynes’s influence, for better or worse. For worse: the inflationary takeoff of the 1970s was partly caused by expansionary monetary and fiscal policy, adopted by Keynes-influenced governments with unrealistic employment goals…. For better: both the Bank of England, explicitly, and the Federal Reserve, implicitly, have a deliberate strategy of encouraging persistent low but positive inflation, precisely to avoid finding themselves in the trap Keynes diagnosed….

What makes The General Theory truly unique… is that it combined towering intellectual achievement with immediate practical relevance to a global economic crisis…. There has been nothing like Keynes’s achievement in the annals of social science. Perhaps there can’t be. Keynes was right about the problem of his day: the world economy had magneto trouble, and all it took to get the economy going again was a surprisingly narrow, technical fix. But most economic problems probably do have complex causes and don’t have easy solutions….

The Kronies

John Papola on the Michael Loftus show in the US. An amazing piece of TV and there, on episode 7, was John discussing some of his creations with The Kronies amongst his latest. His first rise to fame was with the Keynes-Hayek Rap, the single most watched video on an economic matter ever produced, and one which sadly remains still relevant and important. I show it to my four classes each semester, along with the brilliant Deck the Halls with Macro Follies, and no matter how often I watch them, I never find it has been one time too many. Students get the point.

More on Big G and the Kronies: