“Wage growth is stuck in the doldrums”

The fact of the matter is that no one using modern economic theory could explain this: PAY GAP: Australian wages growth is stuck at record lows, and running behind inflation. Certainly you don’t find an explanation in the story which has only this:

With wages currently growing at an annual pace of less than 2%, and given evidence that it’s been hard to stoke wage pressures in other developed nations even with recent improvements in labour market conditions, it’s little wonder that some remain sceptical about a sharp turnaround in wages, particularly to levels back above 3%.

“The fact that wage growth is stuck in the doldrums comes as little surprise given the deterioration in Australia’s labour market, with the jobless rate climbing from 5.7% to 5.9%,” said Tom Kennedy, economist at JP Morgan, following the release of the report.

“We expect wage growth to remain unimpressive for some time given significant slack remains in the labour market.”

The problem has been obvious for almost a decade but only for those who have been classically trained.

The paradox of the survival of Keynesian theory

The picture above comes with this article: America is Regressing into a Developing Nation for Most People.

America is not one country anymore. It is becoming two, each with vastly different resources, expectations, and fates.

In one of these countries live members of what Temin calls the “FTE sector” (named for finance, technology, and electronics, the industries which largely support its growth). These are the 20 percent of Americans who enjoy college educations, have good jobs, and sleep soundly knowing that they have not only enough money to meet life’s challenges, but also social networks to bolster their success. They grow up with parents who read books to them, tutors to help with homework, and plenty of stimulating things to do and places to go. They travel in planes and drive new cars. The citizens of this country see economic growth all around them and exciting possibilities for the future. They make plans, influence policies, and count themselves as lucky to be Americans.

The FTE citizens rarely visit the country where the other 80 percent of Americans live: the low-wage sector. Here, the world of possibility is shrinking, often dramatically. People are burdened with debt and anxious about their insecure jobs if they have a job at all. Many of them are getting sicker and dying younger than they used to. They get around by crumbling public transport and cars they have trouble paying for. Family life is uncertain here; people often don’t partner for the long-term even when they have children. If they go to college, they finance it by going heavily into debt. They are not thinking about the future; they are focused on surviving the present. The world in which they reside is very different from the one they were taught to believe in. While members of the first country act, these people are acted upon.

The article is about a book by Peter Temin who has put his finger on the great problem facing the whole of the West. But then he has also co-authored this: Why Keynes is Important Today. He argues that the problem is that there is too much saving.

Keynes’ paradox of thrift showed that the actions of individuals and economies are different. If one person wants to save more, he or she can do so by simply reducing spending. But if everyone wants to save more, or at least enough people and business firms to influence the whole economy, then their collective reduction in spending reduces national income. The economy does not save more. Instead production and jobs decrease. If everyone tries to do this in all countries, then global unemployment emerges, which is an international paradox of thrift.

He sees the consequences of an economy of dependency but remains wedded to the Keynesian ideas which are the actual heart of the problem. I you want a paradox, this is it.

William Baumol and me

Let me add a few words about William Baumol who has just passed away at the age of 95 which is very good going. He truly ought to have won the Nobel Prize in Economics. But what I would like to add to the record is what a truly great academic he was to the full extent of the meaning of the word and in the most positive way one can imagine. It was at the start of my work on Say’s Law back in the 1980s that I came across an article written in 1952 by two of the all time greats of economics, William Baumol and Gary Becker, on “The Classical Monetary Theory: The Outcome of the Discussion”. And whatever you might think from the title, it is about Say’s Law, end to end. And in that article, they craft what has become the modern sophisticated version of Say’s Law which is the division of the concept into Walras’ Law, Say’s Identity and Say’s Equality. I don’t think that’s right, but it was the time of high Keynesianism and it was not worth anyone’s career to criticise Keynes, and so they used someone by name of Lange as the stand-in in an article entirely devoted to showing that the arguments found in The General Theory n Say’s Law were baseless.

While Becker never came back to this issue, Baumol did. In 1977 he published an article on “Say’s (at Least) Eight Laws, or What Say and James Mill May Really Have Meant”. Both articles were important parts of my thesis, and I therefore wrote an article critical of Baumol on his explanation of Say’s Law. My supervisor then said that I should send Baumol a copy before I sent it off for publication which I did. And then – and this is the most surprising thing from an academic point of view – I received an exceptionally nice reply from Baumol to say that he had enjoyed my article but didn’t think I had actually understood him correctly. The details are now completely gone of what and why, and there is no doubt that I do not agree with the Becker and Baumol conclusion, but I also agreed with Baumol that whatever I had been saying was not accurate. So I thanked him for his interest and didn’t even try to publish the article.

But eventually I ended up in a dispute with someone else over Say’s Law and this led to my being invited by the Eastern Economic Journal to lead a symposium. I therefore asked Baumol, along with Mark Blaug and the original person who I had been in disagreement with, to contribute to this symposium, for which I wrote the opening and closing articles. My opening was titled: On the True Meaning of Say’s Law. And while I have refined some of it, I would stand behind everything I wrote at the time.

Baumol in his contribution added to his own previous work. This is the abstract from his article which I can only find here (but it is actually Baumol’s 1977 article that is attached Say’s (at Least) Eight Laws, or What Say and James Mill May Really Have Meant). This is the abstract:

Part of a Symposium entitled, “Say’s Law Revisited,” this note is dedicated to showing that both Say’s and Ricardo’s concerns about unemployment were deeper than even the Kates article (in this symposium) suggests, that this concern even led Say to advocate a clear Keynesian remedy for unemployment: public works. Correspondingly, the paper shows that Ricardo’s disquiet about joblessness constitutes a good part of his reversal on the role of machinery (i.e., innovation) that so distressed his adherents.

I eventually did meet him personally and the impression that I had had in our correspondence that he was a very kind, good natured and sweet individual, as well as being as sharp and analytical as one might wish, was more than confirmed in the three quarters of an hour he gave me of his time. And by the time we met, there was no doubt in his mind how opposite to pretty well everything he thought about macroeconomic theory and Say’s Law I am. He was nevertheless everything one could have hoped him to be both as an academic and a human being. I therefore wished to add my own tribute based on my own brief encounters with one of the truly great economists of our time.

The enemy is Keynesian macro

I’m afraid you can talk about debt and deficits to the end of time but unless you understand that the true enemy is macroeconomic theory with its emphasis on aggregate demand your chances of success are approximately zero. This is the equation of economic death: Y=C+I+G+(X-M). If this is not the focus, then things will just continue as they are until the crash comes and no one is willing to lend to us any more. Two bits from today.

First there was Jennifer Oriel with her Budget 2017: forget the fake patriotism and get working on debt. She sees the point, I suppose, but where is her full-blooded attack on the underlying theory? This is her hardest para but it is hardly a call to arms.

If the government drifts away from fiscal conservatism and ­engorges itself on the elusive promise of growth, it risks driving Australia off the fiscal cliff. It must downsize to reduce debt and ­repair the deficit. It could begin by cutting the morbidly obese ministry down to size. If the Coalition’s patriotism is more than mere rhetoric then it must make plain the case for an Australia-first budget by simplifying the taxation system, dropping the spin and putting the national interest first.

And then there was marcus with his terrifying statistics and historical record. This is a major public service: What did we get for our $400 billion loan? It really is the most blood-curdling analysis I have come across except that other than a few of us out here on the periphery, no one’s blood has been curdled. You really should read it, but my guess is that with aggregate demand at the core of economic theory, the general belief is that this debt and spending has saved us from a fate far worse than our current levels of debt.

Completely wrong, but we still have a lot of capital to run down before we truly hit the skids. So along the way we will put Labor back in who will blame it on Malcolm, or at least Tony. If you do not understand that the problem is the economics of Keynes and the theory of aggregate demand deficiency, you are not even at first base in understanding what needs to be done and why.

Think NBN, pink batts and school halls

It is an anti-Keynesian article so I won’t complain a lot, but still it does get me down that no one any longer has much of a clue why public spending depresses economic growth. And it’s not as if Keynes wasn’t crystal clear about his own intent. His aim was to remove Say’s Law from within the midst of economic analysis. That he has most comprehensively done. Since only if you understand Say’s Law will you understand what’s wrong with Keynesian economics, and indeed all of macro and the policies that come with it, you will never get policy right until you see the point the classical economists made.

The article is Budget 2017: This is not the time to turn to Keynes and let me say how much I agree with this:

That brings us to the most contentious budgetary option of cutting government expenditure. By crude Keynesian closed economy logic, enthusiastically embraced by Kevin Rudd, Wayne Swan and federal Treasury during the GFC, reduced spending can be recessionary. But this is debatable in theory for an economy like Australia that is open to international trade and capital flows. It is also at odds with real world evidence.

Economic history is replete with examples of “expansionary fiscal contraction”. For instance, there were no economic downturns following the significant spending cuts undertaken by treasurers Paul Keating and Peter Costello in the 1980s and 90s; quite the contrary. More recently, Ireland has emerged as one of the ­strongest performing economies in Europe after severe public spending cuts.

Keynesian economics is also at odds with sound theory, or at least the theory that existed from the time of Adam Smith until the publication of Keynes’s General Theory in 1936. It has nothing to do with closed economy or open, nor whether we are a trading nation or not. It is that unproductive non-value-adding public spending drags an economy down (think NBN, pink batts and school halls). That is Say’s Law. That is what you need to understand.

Keynesian economics wrecks economies

I picked this up at Andrew Bolt which reminds me why I tend not to read the papers any more. The article is quite accurate and important – Living standards in decline as real wage growth stagnates. The problem is that we are never told why it is, and I suspect it’s because most economists cannot work it out since they are all Keynesians.

Nothing about the deadness of our economies worldwide has surprised me since I wrote on The Dangerous Return to Keynesian Economics back at the start of 2009. You can either find the explanation for how badly our economies have gone since the stimulus in John Stuart Mill’s Principles first published in 1848, or my own Free Market Economics, for which the third edition is coming out in June. Where else you can find a modern classical critique of Keynesian theory I could not tell you since I don’t think any other such book exists.

MAGICAL THINKING UPDATE: This article came up in conversation this morning, by Peter Martin in The Age: The Dark Side of Harry Potter could transfer to our world. It begins:

John Maynard Keynes is one of the most important people who ever lived. His conviction that governments should spend up when things turn down saved lives and probably saved capitalism.

Aside from the fact that The General Theory was published in 1936 and the Great Depression ended in 1933 and therefore could not have saved capitalism, Keynesian economics has blighted lives endlessly across the world since it was published since for those economies that did not begin as market economies, the belief that public spending will create growth has led to a fantastic reduction in living standards wherever such demand-side policies have been applied. Same again although in a somewhat milder form where market-based systems had already been established. If you think Keynesian theory has any answers to our economic problems you are more into magical thinking than even Harry Potter himself.

The economic views of Marriner Eccles are with us still

I suppose the basic point is that economics remains in such a primitive state that it is impossible for anyone really to be sure what is true and what is not. Most people just make it up as they go along, with no true means to validate one version of reality in comparison with another.

These are excerpts from the Testimony of Marriner Eccles to the Committee on the Investigation of Economic Problems in 1933. And who is Marriner Eccles? Other than being in his time one of the richest men in Utah, he was appointed by FDR to the Chairmanship of the Fed in 1935 where he remained until 1951. A proto-Keynesian disciple of Foster and Catchings, this is how he is described at the first link by “The London Banker (TLB):

Below are excerpts from the testimony of Marriner Eccles to the Senate Committee on the Investigation of Economic Problems in 1933. It is an historic document – laying out the future terms of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the management of money supply nationally through open market operations, the Bretton Woods Accord on currency stability, mortgage refinancing as monetary stimulus, and reforms of the Federal Reserve System to eradicate the excesses of untamed capitalism and financial dominance of Wall Street. He proposes higher income and inheritance taxes as essential to promote economic growth, curb inequality and forestall political instability. He encourages federal regulation of child labor, unemployment insurance, social security and other farsighted reforms. And he avows himself a capitalist throughout.

The following are excerpts from the excerpts of the testimony printed by TLB.

We have all and more of the material wealth which we had at the peak of our prosperity in the year 1929. Our people need and want everything which our abundant facilities and resources are able to provide for them. The problem of production has been solved, and we need no further capital accumulation for the present, which could only be utilised in further increasing our productive facilities or extending further foreign credits. We have a complete economic plant able to supply a superabundance of not only all the necessities of our people, but the comforts and luxuries as well. Our problem, then, becomes one purely of distribution. This can only be brought about by providing purchasing power sufficiently adequate to enable the people to obtain the consumption goods which we, as a nation, are able to produce. The economic system can serve no other purpose and expect to survive. . . .

We could do business on the basis of any dollar value as long as we have a reasonable balance between the value of all goods and services if it were not for the debt structure. The debt structure has obtained its present astronomical proportions due to an unbalanced distribution of wealth production as measured in buying power during our years of prosperity. Too much of the product of labor was diverted into capital goods, and as a result what seemed to be our prosperity was maintained on a basis of abnormal credit both at home and abroad. The time came when we seemed to reach a point of saturation in the credit structure where, generally speaking, additional credi was no longer available, with the result that debtors were forced to curtail their consumption in an effort to create a margin to apply on the reduction of debts. This naturally reduced the demand for goods of all kinds, bringing about what appeared to be overproduction, but what in reality was underconsumption measured in terms of the real world and not the money world. . . .

What the public and the business men of this country are interested in is a revival of employment and purchasing power. This would automatically restore confidence and increase profits to a point where the Budget would automatically be balanced in just the same manner as the individual, corporation, State, and city budget would be balanced. . . .

Mr Eccles: Of course, the way I look at this matter is that we have the power to produce, just as in the period of prosperity after the war demonstrated when we had a standard of living for a period from 1921 to 1929 which, of course, was far in excess of what it is now. Yet in spite of that standard of living we saved too much a I have previously tried to show.

Senator Gore: You have got Foster in the back of your head?

Mr Eccles: I only wish there were more who had. We saved too much in this regard, that we added too much to our capital equipment. Creating overproduction in one case and underconsumption in the other because of an uneconomic distribution of wealth production. . . . Of course, we are losing $2,000,000,000 per month in unemployment. I can conceive of no greater waste than the waste of reducing our national income about half of what it was. I can not conceive of any waste as great as that. Labor, after all, is our only source of wealth. . . .

The program which I have proposed is largely of an emergency nature designed to bring rapid economic recovery. However, when recovery is restored, I believe that in order to avoid future disastrous depressions and sustain a balanced prosperity, it will be necessary during the next few years for the Government to assume a greater control and regulation of our entire economic system. There must be a more equitable distribution of wealth production in order to keep purchasing power in a more even balance with production. . . .

Such measures as I have proposed may frighten those of our people who possess wealth. However, they should feel reassured in reflecting upon the following quotation from one of our leading economists:

It is utterly impossible, as this country has demonstrated again and again, for the rich to save as much as they have been trying to save, and save anything that is worth saving. They can save idle factories and useless railroad coaches; they can save empty office buildings and closed banks; they can save paper evidences of foreign loans; but as a class they can not save anything that is worth saving, above and beyond the amount that is made profitable by the increase of consumer buying. It is for the interests of the well to do – to protect them from the results of their own folly – that we should take from them a sufficient amount of their surplus to enable consumers to consume and business to operate at a profit. This is not “soaking the rich”; it is saving the rich. Incidentally, it is the only way to assure them the serenity and security which they do not have at the present moment.

This was reprinted by TLB because of his full agreement with Eccles which was mirrored by all of the comments, except for one, by Ron Paul who wrote:

What a load of statist drivel and what a bunch of Roosevelt worshiping sycophants. I’ll bet Krugman and the entire Nobel prize committee would love this post too.

Statist drivel isn’t the half of it, but it is clearly not the majority view, not then and not now.

“The Utopia of Damned Fools”

This is from an article on “The New Deal” written by H.L. Mencken in May, 1935 and published in A Mencken Chrestomathy [Vintage Books New York 1982: pages 424-25]. It discusses how the first application of Keynesian economics by the Roosevelt Administration came about even before The General Theory had been written. The article begins with excerpts from two articles in The New Republic and The Nation describing how FDR’s closest advisor, Harry Hopkins, in collaboration with three others, came up with the idea of massive increases in public spending to bring the Depression to an end. Although tentative in approaching Roosevelt about such a massive spending program without even having done the slightest bit of analysis, he expected Roosevelt to be reluctant about spending such immense amounts of money, all the more so since Roosevelt had committed himself to balancing the budget. That was not, however, how it went.

[Hopkins] expected to be told to develop the idea and come back with a fuller outline. He still expected that when he left the White House that evening. But it so happened that he had caught the New Deal Messiah in one of his periods of infatuation with the spending art, and Hopkins literally woke up the next morning to discover that Roosevelt without further ado had proclaimed the CWA* in effect.

It is now more than two years later. Mencken is here looking back on the fantastic amounts of spending and the effect such spending has had.

The money began to pour out on November 16, 1933, to the tune of a deafening hullabaloo. By December 1 more than 1,000,000 were on the CWA pay roll; by January, 1934, the number reached 4,100,000. Press agents in eight-hour shifts worked day and night to tell a panting country what it was all about. The Depression, it was explained, was being given a series of adroit and fatal blows, above, below and athwart the belt. In six months there would be no more unemployment, the wheels of industry would be spinning, and the More Abundant Life would be on us. Brains had at last conquered the fear of fear.

What actually happened belongs to history. By the opening of Spring Hopkins had got rid of his billion, and the whole thing had blown up with a bang. More people were out of work than ever before. The wheels of industry resolutely refused to spin. The More Abundant Life continued to linger over the sky line. There ensued a pause for taking breath, and then another stupendous assault was launched upon the taxpayer. This time the amount demanded was $4,880,000,000. It is now in hand, and plans are under way to lay it out where it will do the most good in next year’s campaign.

Go back to the clippings and read them again. Consider well what they say. Four preposterous nonentities, all of them professional uplifters, returning from a junket at the taxpayer’s expense, sit in a smoking car munching peanuts and talking shop. Their sole business in life is spending other people’s money. In the past they have always had to put in four-fifths of their time cadging it, but now the New Deal has admitted them to the vaults of the public treasury, and just beyond the public treasury, shackled in a gigantic lemon-squeezer worked by steam, groans the taxpayer. They feel their oats, and are busting with ideals. For them, at least, the More Abundant Life has surely come.

Suddenly one of them, biting down hard on a peanut, has an inspiration. He leapt to his feet exultant, palpitating like a crusader shinning up the walls of Antioch. How, now, comrade, have you bitten into a worm? Nay, gents, I have thought of a good one, a swell one, the damndest you will ever heard tell of. Why not put everyone to work? Why not shovel it out in a really Large Way. Why higgle and temporize? We won’t be here forever, and when we are gone we’ll be gone a long while.

But the Leader? Wasn’t he babbling again, only the other day, of balancing the budget? Isn’t it a fact that he shows some sign of wobbling of late – that the flop of the NRA has given him to think? Well, we can only try. We have fetched him before, and maybe we can fetch him again. So the train reaches Washington, the porter gets his tip from the taxpayer’s pocket, and the next day the four brethren meet to figure out the details. But they never get further than a few scratches, for The Leader is in one of his intuitive moods, and his Christian Science smile is in high gear. Say no more, Harry, it is done! The next morning the money begins to gush and billow out of the Treasury. Six months later a billion is gone, and plans are under way to collar five times as much more.

Such is government by the Brain Trust. Such is the fate of the taxpayer under a Planned Economy. Such is the Utopia of Damned Fools.

We never seem to learn a thing. Not from the experience of the 1930s, the 1970’s, Japan in the 1990’s and everywhere across the world since the GFC. Keynesian economics is junk science; no public sector stimulus has ever brought an economy in recession into recovery. It would only be about one economist in a hundred who even knew an economy is not driven forward by aggregate demand, never mind could explain why the stimulus, either now or then, didn’t work. Indeed, there are probably still many who would argue the stimulus had been a great success.
__________
* The CWA was the Civil Works Administration, the stimulus program put in place by FDR in 1933 that worked as well as Obama’s stimulus program after it was put in place three-quarters of a century later.

Suppose you wanted to understand Donald Trump’s supply-side economic reforms where would you go?

There was this story on the front page of the Financial Review yesterday morning with the heading: Trump reforms ‘not understood’. It begins:

The United States economy is poised to enter a period of sustained higher economic growth on the back of President Donald Trump’s supply side economic reforms, according to two leading US economists who have been tipped to join the US Federal Reserve board.

Should you wish to have some idea of what Trump is trying to do, you might therefore find of interest the endorsement by Professor Art Laffer – the Art Laffer of the Laffer Curve – that he has provided for the third edition of my Free Market Economics.

“This book presents the very embodiment of supply-side economics. At its very core is the entrepreneur trying to work out what to do in a world of deep uncertainty in which the future cannot be known. Crucially, the book is entirely un-Keynesian, restoring Say’s Law to the centre of economic theory, with its focus on value-adding production as the source of demand. If you would like to understand how an economy actually works, this is one of the few places I know of where you can find out.”

Art Laffer is the original supply-side economist. Free Market Economics is indeed one of the few places you can go to find out what supply-side economic theory means in practice and in detail.

ADDITIONAL COMMENT ON THE COMMENTS: Supply-side economics as an approach to understanding how an economy works is different from the how these principles might be applied in any given circumstance. It is not a theory of tax, although, as in Reagan’s time, these principles were part of the effort to get taxes down, where the real point was to transfer spending from the public sector to the private. If all you know about supply-side economics is the Laffer Curve, I’m afraid you actually know very little about the base principles. The central issue is Say’s Law. Unless you understand what the classics meant by Say’s Law, I’m afraid the underlying principles are unknown to you. Art Laffer, however, made Say’s Law the touchstone of his own understanding of supply-side theory. If you are truly interested in understanding these principles, you can either read Mill, or Clay or my own Free Market Economics. If you have another you would like to add to the list, by all means let me know. They hardly exist although there are others, but that is what you need to know.

[My thanks to TMc for directing me to the AFR article.]