“Oh, that is brilliant!”

From Tim Blair who titled his post This Doesn’t Happen. I’m merely posting it as a public service message since this is the sort of thing that must come to a stop immediately.

And it is an absolute protocol in Australia, which I have never seen violated, that in getting in and out of a lift, it is women and children first.

I wonder whether this is related to Tim’s other story about Julie Bishop.

Ms Bishop told the Women’s Weekly event in Sydney that when other women joined cabinet, they made “a little deal”.

“It didn’t matter what the other woman said, the rest of us would say, ‘oh, that is brilliant!'” she said.

Which I am sure it always was.

The right not to be murdered by religious fanatics

Although forty-plus years an Australian, Canadian born and North American to the last so spent the first part of my life next to the US. And while one of those extremely nice Canadians, I have an enormous admiration for the US and its way of life. Been there often and always feel I am perfectly at home, no matter where I am. Once on the left – I actually attended the very first gay marriage in San Francisco sometime in 1972 – now on the other side but that is merely because the left has gone insane. I’m not sure that I have changed my political views on most things since JFK. I’m not even sure I was ever actually against the Vietnam War; I even remember mentioning to a draft dodger friend that if I had been an American I would have gone off and been drafted. And I remember the conversation so well because it astonished me when I realised that I had said just what I believed. But I was a Canadian so who really knows?

On guns, let me merely direct you to Kurt Slichter who says more or less what I think myself: Nothing Makes Liberals Angrier Than Us Normals Insisting On Our Rights. His opening, which leaves nothing to misunderstand:

I don’t agree with liberals often, because I’m not an idiot and because I love America, but when they once again say, “We must have a conversation about guns!” I still couldn’t agree more. And, since all we’ve heard is you leftists shrieking at us all week, I’ll start it off.

You don’t ever get to disarm us. Not ever.

And here is the thing. I have been to the US often, from when I was under ten and then again in July, and even spent much of the time in Las Vegas. It has never crossed my mind on any trip to the US that I was ever in the slightest danger of being shot. Didn’t like being in New York in the pre-Giuliani years, but that aside I have been in approximately 40 of the 50 states with never a thought on my mind about the American constitutional right to bear arms. It’s how they do things, and it is how the US is. And it is part of what has made the US the astonishingly great country that it is. Different from every other country on earth.

But this I do think about, and in the US more than anywhere, and that is the trouble and hassle it takes to get on an airplane. And why all this trouble and hassle? Because there are people in the world who would, for their own insane political ends, blow up any planes they could. I wish someone would do something about that, but even if they can’t, I wish they would put up in large print on every airport metal detector across the world, signs that explain just why it is being done. Never mind the American constitutional right to bear arms. How about the human right not to be blown up by religious fanatics?

The natural rate of economic ignorance

Having taught modern policy just this week, about inflation targeting and the natural rate of interest, and again while doing it wondering whether such gross stupidity can still persist when it has caused nothing but grief, it was nice to see this in The Australian today, by David Uren, that all is still wrong with the world and economics remains stuck in the same rut it’s been in for thirty years. This is from his article, Stubbornly low inflation tests even RBA’s patience:

When Philip Lowe took up the governorship of the Reserve Bank of Australia a year ago, financial markets were betting he would be cutting rates within six months. Today they are betting he’ll be raising them by May next year.

After Tuesday’s RBA board meeting, Lowe said there would be no change in rates, as he has after every meeting since his first as governor in October last year. . . .

It is as if the economy were stuck in first gear, and the Reserve Bank keeping its foot to the floor is neither making it go any faster nor lifting inflation. Central banking the world over is in ferment as top officials wrestle with the risks created by a decade of ultra-low rates and with their failure to generate the modest inflation required by their formal targets.

The inflation targeting framework that has governed the world of central banking for the past two decades, and that seemed to work so well at taming runaway inflation, is now struggling to deal with price rises chronically undershooting the mandated goals.

The Reserve Bank has been pursuing a target of keeping inflation between 2 per cent and 3 per cent since the early 1990s. The underlying rate of inflation (which strips out volatile movements such as petrol price jumps) has been below 2 per cent since the beginning of last year and the RBA’s projections suggest it doesn’t ­expect a ­return to the desired 2.5 per cent until the middle of the next decade. The same is true the world over, and it is leading central bankers to question whether their explanation of the economy and their impact on it is correct.

In a speech last week, US Federal ­Reserve chairwoman Janet Yellen pondered whether there was a “risk that our framework for understanding inflation dynamics could be misspecified in some fundamental way”. A week earlier, Bank of England governor Mark Carney had claimed globalisation was responsible for weak inflation but said he was not ready to ditch his bank’s inflation target.

The Bank for International Settlements, which is a kind of central bank to the world’s central banks, warns that the inflation targeting framework is fostering a dangerous build-up of risk. Head of its monetary and economic ­department Claudio Borio says central banks must “feel like they have stepped through a mirror”. Having spent their lives struggling to bring inflation down, they now toil to push it up. Where once they feared wage increases, now they urge them on.

Borio challenges the intellectual underpinnings of central banking. For the past century it has been assumed that there is a “natural” (or “neutral”) rate of ­interest that balances the needs of savers and investors. If a central bank sets its policy interest rate below this natural rate, it will ­encourage people to run down their savings and lift spending, pushing inflation higher. If the policy rate is higher than the natural rate, people will save more of their income to take advantage of the higher rates, spending less, and inflation will fall.

The theory runs that while central banks set the short-term rate of interest, long-term bond rates trend ­towards the “natural rate”. But this natural rate of interest is an economists’ hypothesis — it can’t be seen or measured, except by economists’ models. Borio calls it an “abstract, unobservable, model-dependent concept”.

Low interest rates are one of economic theory’s worst ideas ever, a notion once universally understood by all and now understood by none. Economic theory will have to relearn the lessons of the nineteenth century. It is quite quite astonishing to see these errors compound and the undoing of this mess won’t be pleasant. So to the article’s end:

The RBA slashed its cash rate from 4.75 per cent to 1.5 per cent between late 2011 and late last year, triggering a house price boom that pushed up household debts by an average of almost 7 per cent a year.

This week the International Monetary Fund said household debts much above 60 per cent of GDP were a threat to growth and financial stability. The RBA’s measure of the household balance sheet shows debts have soared from 120 per cent of GDP to 137 per cent since 2011, putting them among the highest in the world.

Lowe worries that a small shock could turn into a much lar­ger downturn as households seek to repair their balance sheets. The danger is that debts are already so high that any rise in rates would crunch household spending, while rates are still low enough to make further borrowing attractive. With no path forward, the Reserve Bank is stuck where it is.

As for the theory that explains it all, you could go to Keynes, not The General Theory where he abandoned it all, but to his very orthodox 1930 Treatise on Money where he discussed the natural rate of interest in just the way it had been discussed since the end of the nineteenth century. Or you could go to the last two chapters of my Free Market Economics, whether editions one, two or three, since it is the same message in each.

Economic theory reaching the bottom of the barrel

Excerpts from a comment on Keynesian economics. Everything about this annoys me and is demonstrably wrong. The full comment is found at the end of this post

1) “Keynes’ mistake was not in his solution to a savings glut, since there is nothing wrong with the notion of using public works to absorb a savings glut

2) “the distortions created by excessive government intervention are likely to do far more damage than they solve over time

3) “neither Keynesian nor neoclassical synthesis are used by mainstream economists today

4) “both were well and truly discredited by the new classical revolution sparked by the Lucas critique, Friedman, Schwartz and others”

5) “unfortunately, new classical economics failed to explain the real world which enabled new Keynesian economics to emerge.”

6) “there are also a few very dopey economists who go the other way and persist with discredited ideas from the right, such as the Austrian school.”

So my comment on this comment.

1) A “savings glut” is a misinterpretation of the effect on business confidence after a financial crisis. That everyone goes into a shell for a few months is hardly surprising, whose effects are compounded by a reluctance of those with money to lend to others since no one really knows who is and is not solvent.

2) I absolutely do go along with the concern about governments misdirecting resources but the qualifier at the end, “over time”, makes me very suspicious. The damage caused by the distortions are immediate although it may take a while before the effects of misdirected production begin to show up, and here we are talking about even 3-4 years.

3) If I was told that the phrase “aggregate demand” had been purged from economic theory I might just be willing to go along with the idea that Keynes is dead and gone. But once you recognise that the Keynesian innovation was “aggregate demand”, the notion that Keynesian economics is dead is absolute nonsense. Until that goes, macro will only cause harm and almost never do a single thing right, other than by chance.

4) “New classical” economics is so absurd that it never fails to astonish me that it ever gathered a following, other than it pretended to be the refutation of Keynesian theory. This is what it really is. Keynes set up a strawman version of classical theory in The General Theory which he said was based on the supposedly classical assumption that there could never be involuntary unemployment. No actual pre-Keynesian classical economist believed any such thing, but New Classicals actually do. They have attempted to refute Keynesian theory by actually promoting Keynes’s strawman as the real thing!

5) New Classical theory gave up all pretence of being able to understand an actual recession after the GFC. Since it said no such things could occur – that all unemployment was voluntary! – they had nothing in their kit bag to explain the situation or to devise policies to deal with a set of circumstances they argued could never actually occur.

6) Not an Austrian myself – “JSM Classical” – but you can get a lot more sense in Mises than from just about anyone since he actually incorporates the role of entrepreneurs in how economies work, as do all other Austrians. They discuss markets and relative price adjustments. They see an active role for competition. I have my differences, but most of Austrian theory is as sound as you can find in the modern world.

Economic theory is at such a low level of insight that it fills me with a kind of despair, since as it is currently structured, it is part of the process helping to push the freest and most prosperous civilisation in history over the cliff.

As for the comment in full, here it is in all its irrelevance.

Keynes believed there was a diminishing return to capital and so there was a risk of a savings glut and hence lower consumption. His prescription was for public works spending to absorb this savings glut and and so maintain production. Keynes never suggested redistribution of either wealth or income which is what your anecdote implies. Indeed, Keynes was very much opposed to governments running cyclical deficits on recurrent expenditure, which is why he suggested that any temporary increase in spending to address a savings glut should be managed through public works.

The common misunderstanding of Keynesian economics stems largely from the fact that John Hicks wrote a book to interpret the General Theory in terms of neoclassical economics. As a result, the view of Keynesian economics shared by most people today is of Hicks’ neoclassical synthesis rather than Keynesian.

Keynes’ mistake was not in his solution to a savings glut, since there is nothing wrong with the notion of using public works to absorb a savings glut. The problem is that such savings gluts are exceedingly rare and transient at best which means that they will almost inevitably be over before any government can respond. In fact, the distortions created by excessive government intervention are likely to do far more damage than they solve over time.

Of course, neither Keynesian nor neoclassical synthesis are used by mainstream economists today. Both were well and truly discredited by the new classical revolution sparked by the Lucas critique, Friedman, Schwartz and others.

Unfortunately, new classical economics failed to explain the real world which enabled new Keynesian economics to emerge. This new Keynesian economics had little foundation in economic theory and so the two branches merged to give us the new neoclassical synthesis which is the mainstream of modern economics.

Whilst there may be much in the new neoclassical synthesis that is wrong, there is nothing in the theory which supports the redistribution of ether wealth or income. What this means, is that many economists may believe in redistribution but the economics itself does not support this, at least as far as the mainstream is concerned.

Naturally there remain a number of heterodox economists out there who support outlandish ideologies, such as a few Marxists, Sraffians and New Keynsians etc. There are also a few very dopey economists who go the other way and persist with discredited ideas from the right, such as the Austrian school. However, orthodox economics, and this includes Keynes, new classical and the latest new neoclassical synthesis does not support redistribution.

Thus we may chuckle at such amusing anecdotes, but this does not represent the problem and never did.

Some thoughts on Las Vegas

Watching the dismal story coming out of Las Vegas does bring many thoughts to mind, not least because we had just been there in July. In no particular order:

Whether or not they are responsible, ISIS is happy to say it was their doing. Ethical rules of war are not exactly their longest suit. They are just murderous swine whose only war aims, if we could can use the term, are essentially unknown. Psychopathic killers with no discernible outcome in mind other than to become modern versions of Tamerlaine and create their own piles of skulls.

The first item of news we heard about the killer is that he was someone who had lost a tonne of money at the casinos and had perhaps gone round the bend. But we have now heard he had just sent $100,000 to the Philippines the day before. Not exactly bankrupt, was he? Where did the money come from? There is a story there but will we ever find out?

Most importantly, was he really a one-man show, able to get such a complex logistical process exactly right on his very first attempt with no outside help? It’s possible, but so are alternative versions of how it happened.

He cannot have been a registered Republican because if he were we would have known already, and then some. We shall see whether this can be attached to the right, and then we will never hear the end of it, or attached to the left – like the shooting of Steve Scalise (who?) – and it will disappear into the mists of time like everything else of its kind.

Donald Trump’s response was on a human level, describing these killings as evil. Hillary, along with the left in general, responded on a political level – not willing to let any crisis go to waste – immediately associating these deaths with the need for gun control.

Tribalism is the darkest most unrelenting province of the left. On the right we actually like the idea of an open society where anyone can come live among us by following the rules: tolerance, hard work, self-direction, independence. The left are filled with envy and hatreds that only every so often come to the surface in a way that normal people on this side of the fence can recognise for themselves. The left’s chosen enemy is the Judeo-Christian culture of the West. We are barely able to understand how truly foreign their views are because we don’t think that way at all.

Bad advice from The Financial Times

Every time I think we are making progress on getting rid of Keynesian macro, I come across something like this from The Financial Times in the UK: Donald Trump’s trickle-down delusion on tax.

Today, debt is 77 per cent of GDP, productivity is flat and, not only have the major gains from female participation in the labour force been realised, but birth rates are lower, and the president is doing the best he can to limit immigration. Growth equals productivity plus demographics. Game over, unless something in that equation changes. . . .

But if you survey the economic landscape, it’s not like there isn’t plenty of money sloshing around. Dealmaking, asset values and corporate debt are at record highs. The money is there. The jobs are not.

I would argue that this is because there is not enough consumer demand. . . .

Sure, we can cut taxes. But it will not change the fact that we have a private sector market system that no longer serves the real economy. Business leaders who care about long-term growth and competitiveness need to think hard about how to fix that, and stop kidding themselves that a trickle-down tax plan is the answer.

They don’t want the US to cut business taxes but do want it to increase consumer demand! As dumb as FILL IN YOUR OWN and then some.