The fallacious and absurd

Over at Macrobusiness we find the quite accurate statement by Rumplestatskin that “Say’s law seems to be making a resurgence”. He does not regard this as a positive step but nevertheless he does take note that there are a few of us around who seem to look on this development with favour. He even crosses to a post of my own which really only disappoints since nothing I have written seems to make the slightest dent. Such is life.

And to tell the truth I’m not all that keen to get into this yet again. How stupid these people must believe our ancestral economists to have been to make such obvious blunders that even they can see them. The things they say economists used to believe are quite incredible. But I am drawn back in because I received in the post today a book I had ordered that I didn’t even recall having asked for but how wise I was to make the purchase. It is a reprint of John McVickar’s Outlines of Political Economy, the first American text in economics, published in 1825. And the very first bit I read was about value added and the nature of the production process, the very thing I had been teaching my class today, having first noted that nothing like this is found in any textbook of the modern era. Economic theory has so regressed in the past 200 years that we are now more primitive than the mercantilists that Adam Smith used to make fun of. We disguise our ignorance by putting it all into maths.

Mt Statskin, of course, has no idea what Say’s Law is about so goes about comprehensively demolishing a construction of his own devices. But if he is ever to work out what the real meaning is, what he needs to do is recognise that the following two statements are 100% compatible and if you understand Say’s Law, 100% valid:

. a general glut is impossible
. recessions are not uncommon and when they occur last a long time.

Let me therefore quote a bit from Mr McVickar which seems relevant to economics today. Were he to have advised our political leaders it might have been possible to constrain their headlong rush into useless, unproductive spending, and we might have been spared the many years in the wildnerness we are about to endure. This is McVickar writing in 1825 (pages 167-68):

It is a fallacy and an absurdity to suppose that production can ever be encouraged by a wasteful consumption of the products of industry. A man is stimulated to produce when he finds a ready market for the produce of his labour, that is, when he can readily exchange them for other products. And hence the true and only encouragement of industry consists, not in the increase of wasteful and improvident consumption, but in the increase in [value adding] production. (Italics in the original)

Mr Statskin, whose beliefs are as fallacious and absurd as the rest of his crowd, seems to believe that such views represent an “ideology, because these writers cannot translate their beliefs into practice.” Oh but we can. Try this for some practical advice. Governments must reduce their spending, balance their budgets and never attempt to revive an economy from the demand side. Seems practical enough to me but no doubt everything Mr McVickar is trying to explain will fly right over Mr Statskin’s head. But nevertheless, Say’s Law will continue its resurgence whether he likes it or not, whether he understands it or not.

Make them shut up

http://youtu.be/2eBFBDP8VPQ

A Canadian discussion of free speech but with a particular resonance here since the network is the ABC (the Aunt Broadcasting Corporation affectionately known as aunty). This seems to be a problem across the world in countries that ought to know better but apparently can no longer tolerate free speech, a very dangerous form of intolerance.

[Via Small Dead Animals]

The “Low Information” Voter

Part of the appeal for the left side of politics is that to vote for the Democrats or ALP the amount of knowledge and reasoning ability required to see their point is close to nil. Just promise what everyone wants and tell them you’re on their side and you can line up near on half the population. That the meagre welfare actually provided turns out to be a low income trap is just by the way. It’s the thought that counts.

Which brings us to an article at The American Thinker titled appropriately The American Ignoramus. Here’s the point:

One particular Pew Research Center poll illustrates the average citizen’s paltry stock of political information. Between July 26-29, 2012, the Pew Research Center asked a random sample of adults twelve questions tapping knowledge of the presidential election. Some questions probed knowledge of where the candidates stood on key issues; others plumbed information about the candidates’ background. The average score was 6.5 questions right, or 54% of the total. Forty-nine percent got six or fewer questions correct.

It really is depressing to dwell on it. Our constitutions were developed in a different age when reading the press and properly debating issues was a general pastime. Now we are into the politics of the lowest common denominator.

What are the consequences of widespread political ignorance? Manipulation of ordinary people by what Angelo Codevilla calls the “ruling class,” which includes political leaders, the news and entertainment media, and special interest groups. Instead of public opinion shaping public policy, most of the time Jane or John Q. Public has no political influence, because she/he knows little, if anything, about what is going on in the corridors of power.
Unless someone can find a way to stimulate greater grassroots political attentiveness — the more interested people are in public affairs, the better informed they are — expecting a substantially better-informed citizenry is wishful thinking. There are just too many spheres of life, such as family, friends, work, health, faith, recreation, entertainment, etc., that people believe are more pressing than public affairs. In the main, politics is a matter of tertiary concern.

Tertiary not as in a tertiary institution but as the third rung down in the active interest of voters. The conclusion:

What does it mean? At best, the U.S. will have bad political leaders, chosen by low information voters. At worst, American democracy will slowly shrivel due to widespread ignorance.

Ignorance seldom leads to happy endings.

Yet when it comes down to it, the main force in forming opinions are those that produce the media reports everyone depends on for their political information. And as they are as stupid generally in their voting patterns as the lowest of the low information voters wherever the solution might lie, it is not in getting people to become more informed by reading the press.

The PBS News Hour debate on Say’s Law

In reply to John Papola’s article on Say’s Law on the PBS News Hour website, there is an article also on PBS by an historian, John Livingston. I will leave John Papola to fight his own battles, but here would be my own response to Professor Livingston, I presume:

I often wonder when the actual events of the world will begin to make some impression on Keynesian thinking but the evidence from what John Livingston had to write makes it seem that such a time is a very long way away. Should we argue theory? Should we argue the empirics? What will make an impression is almost impossible to know since nothing so far has made any dent in present thinking at all.

We are in the midst of the worst recovery since the Great Depression. Employment levels and employment growth are abysmal. The economy is going nowhere, even having contracted in December some four years after the fiscal stimulus was supposed to have done its work. That is all obvious beyond argument and unless Livingston grabs for the it-would-have-been-worse-without-the-stimulus excuse there is really nothing for him to argue so far as the empirics actually go. There has been a stimulus and the economy not only remains extraordinarily subdued but there is a mountain of debt that now needs to be repaid.

But to enter into the realm of Say’s Law is to enter into the world of theory. Say’s Law is an abstract statement about the nature of the world. It says that at the aggregate level, demand is constituted by supply. A community can only buy what it has produced. It is production which simultaneously creates the incomes that are used to buy the output. If you pay people to dig holes and refill them they may have money in their hands but the economy has not produced anything that this money can be used to buy.

Meanwhile those on the Keynesian side argue that the subdued level of economic activity is because people choose to save rather than spend. It’s the saving that’s the problem. If only we had more consumption and government spending to soak up those savings all would be well.

But of course it was not an increase in saving that caused the recession. Whatever else one might say about the Global Financial Crisis and the recession that followed immediately thereafter, it would be implausible in the extreme to argue that the problem was caused by a sudden desire to save. Right up until the financial crisis began economies were in some kind of boom, racing ahead in every direction. There was no lack of demand, consumer or otherwise, when almost overnight the bottom fell out of the boom and a recessionary period began. I just say to Professor Livingston that if he wants to argue that the recession began because of a fall in demand as everyone suddenly decided to start saving instead of spending, he is welcome to try to defend that ground. Nonsensical though the notion may be, he is welcome to try to prove what is obviously untrue.

What did happen was that a boom that had run on speculative investment in housing financed by an excessive creation of credit ran headlong into reality. Lenders found that an increasing number of borrowers could no longer repay their debts and the homes they had bought were falling in value. The housing bubble burst, the industry and all of the feeder industries into the housing market collapsed and the financial system of the world teetered on a knife edge for six months before some kind of stability returned.

The problems were thus in no way due to a fall off in demand but to a problem with the structure of the economy. Vast areas of the American economy suddenly found that the products they were producing could no longer be sold at cost covering prices. If you asked these producers what the problem was, they would no doubt have told you that there had been a fall in demand. But while that would have been how they experienced the problem, that is not that the actual problem was. The problem was that they had been misled into producing a specific form of output – that is, they had been misled into producing housing – that could no longer be sold at prices that covered their production costs. This, of course, also affected the demand for the inputs into the industry, including the demand for labour.

Meanwhile the financial system, whose assets were bound up in an immense volume of mortgage backed securities – covered as hey were by a housing stock that no longer delivered the revenue stream expected and where the underlying assets could no longer be sold at the prices they were originally borrowed against – found their balance sheets quite unbalanced. They could not call in their loans and could not meet their own debt obligations. The world’s entire system of finance then unraveled as loans were withdrawn and finance fell away. We thus experienced a financial panic as described time and again throughout the classical business cycle literature that existed before Keynes wrote his General Theory, a literature which is unfortunately no longer consulted by anyone in trying to think through our present problems. To pretend that the GFC was caused by a fall in demand rather than a structural disaster in both the real and financial sides of the economy is to be utterly blind to reality.

So to come back to Say’s Law. Its most basic statement is that demand is constituted by supply. You must be able to produce, sell and earn money to spend before you can buy. Looked at from an economy wide perspective, there must be an increase in real value adding production before the real level of demand can increase. But as the level of value adding production contracted during the GFC, the real level of demand also contracted. To describe this as decisions to save would be ridiculous.

A Keynesian would, nevertheless, insist that the problem was too little demand and would therefore argue that the answer to a problem that had been caused by a fall off in value adding production would be even more non-value adding production. A classical economist on the other hand would argue that since the problem was the fall in value adding production, the only solution was to increase the level of value adding output through a shift in the structure of production away from activities that were no longer profitable towards others which were. Not an instantaneous process by any means, but a year or so would have seen recovery well in place had policies been adopted to encourage the private sector to look for and expand value adding forms of production.

But instead we had the stimulus which consisted of nearly a trillion dollars worth of unproductive expenditure that could only make things worse and of course did. There were also efforts made to hamstring the financial sector in its efforts to redirect savings into productive enterprises. And there were – and still are – efforts being made to raise taxation on just those businesses you need to encourage growth. Every one of these policy decisions is guaranteed to slow recovery, and so far as the economic direction of the United States is concerned there has not been a single major policy put in place that will hasten recovery.

Even low interest rates, which are supposed to encourage investment – another demand side solution – merely misdirects those savings that are generated while at the same time keeping the level of saving lower than it would otherwise have been. The one certainty with interest rates near zero is that there will be less saving than there would have been had rates been higher. Less saving inevitably means a lower standard of living.

So to consumer demand and recovery. Livingston’s argument puts the consumption cart before the production horse. To doubt that people would spend more if they could afford more is ridiculous. The cause of low consumer demand is low real incomes. The cause of low real incomes is the absence of growth in value adding areas of production in which people can be hired and earn an income.

That we are in the hands of someone with only a limited understanding of how an economy works when dealing with Livingston is shown by his use of the phrase “surplus capital”. You almost have to cringe at reading such words. The notion that there is capital that their owners would not happily see put to use if the risks were commensurate with the expected returns is quite astounding. To think in such terms is almost to have a death wish for the future of the American economy. There is never enough capital. Surplus capital is never a realistic problem – if only it were. There are always more things you can produce that others would gladly buy if they could afford them when they reached the market. To believe instead, as he seems to do, that there is a mass of capital being left to lie fallow that could not find a productive purpose if economic momentum were again restored is bizarre given just how desperate the unemployment situation is.

Livingston’s plain ignorance of Say’s Law as it was stated by the classical economists is painful to read. To act as if they had argued people were living in a barter economy without money is such a colossal evidence of a failure to have read anything at all about classical views is par for the course in modern economic discourse but is still a disgrace. If you want to discuss Say’s Law it helps to at least understand something about what classical economists actually said and not parrot the inanities spread by Keynes. Let me therefore take you to Say’s first statement of Say’s Law published in 1803 and we’ll see whether he was discussing a barter economy:

“It is not the abundance of money but the abundance of other products in general that facilitates sales. . . . Money performs no more than a conduit in this double exchange. When the exchange has been completed, it will be found that one has paid for products with products.” (Say 1803, quoted in Kates 1998: 23)

Products buy products through the intermediation of money. Demand is constituted by supply. One’s own products or one’s labour time are exchanged for sums of money and then the money received is exchanged for other products. Livingston’s conclusion, that “consumer spending rather than investment seems to be the key to growth,” is no more sound or coherent than his view that Say’s Law ignored money.

Classical economists understood something that modern economics does not. They understood that you cannot drive an economy from the demand side, only from the supply side. Consumption is the payoff from value adding production. If you want growth and employment, then you need to increase the level of value adding production first. To believe anything else, and to try to make an economy succeed in any other way, is the very fallacy that is creating the enormous economic problems that now exist, problems that will never be fixed unless unproductive public spending is reduced and value adding private sector production returns in its place. That is the conclusion that Say’s Law tries to explain. It is the great tragedy of modern economics that Say’s Law has disappeared as a guide to policy because without it we will surely continue to drive our economies into the ground in the belief that we are doing ourselves some economic good. That we are not doing so should have become very evident by now to all by those who are willfully blind to the dismal economic reality that is now found everywhere you turn.

Keynesian follies make the news

An article by John Papola – you know, the chap who did the Macro Follies video and the Keynes-Hayek Rap – on the impossibility of consuming one’s way to prosperity. He has taken Say’s Law to places it has never been before, in this case into the PBS News Hour in the US. Many great observations but I will restrict myself to this:

As John Stuart Mill put it two centuries ago, ‘the demand for commodities is not the demand for labor.’ Consumer demand does not necessarily translate into increased employment. That’s because ‘consumers’ don’t employ people. Businesses do.

Since new hires are a risky and costly investment with unknown future returns, employers must rely on their expectations about the future and weigh those decisions very carefully. Economic historian Robert Higgs’ pioneering work on the Great Depression suggests that increased uncertainty can depress job growth even in the face of booming consumption. Consumer demand that appears to be driven by temporary or unsustainable policies is unlikely to induce businesses to hire.

Increased investment drives economic growth, while retrenched investment leads to recession and reduced employment — and it always has. John Maynard Keynes, like most business cycle theorists before him and since, paid particular attention to this boom and bust in investment, blaming volatility on the ‘animal spirits’ of businessmen. This observation about the importance of ‘confidence’ is surely true, if somewhat obvious.

Unfortunately, Keynes and his successors focus on aggregate levels of spending and often explicitly disregard the details of how money is spent and resources are employed. This led him and the profession down a dark road to the defunct underconsumptionist ideas of the early 1800s which haunt us to this day. Keynes repeatedly asserts throughout his famous tome, The General Theory, that even wasteful expenditures could increase the wealth of society.

Is it any wonder that so many of our policies are focused on consuming and sometimes even destroying wealth rather than creating it?

Do you ever wonder whether the mainstream economic establishment will ever begin to wonder whether this theory they have been peddling for three quarters of a century may be wrong.

The president who never was but should have been

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I was going to drop a personal note to Mary Kissel about the American election but as Sinclair warned Samuel J, his post has drawn me into this once again. So while I am here let me bring into this my post mortem on the American election published in the January-February Quadrant. The article is about the various elements that went into the Obama win. But there is also this that I wrote about Mitt Romney which is a fact of political life that all too few seem to appreciate:

Romney was far and away the best candidate available to the Republicans. In an environment of the politics of personal destruction, there was virtually no element of his life history that could be used against him. He was conservative to an exceptional degree. He was personally warm and humane. He had a professional background that made him almost ideal in trying to find a way through the fiscal mess previous administrations had created. He would have rid the USA of Obama’s impending health care disaster while being able to work with the states to make a system of health care universally available. And on foreign policy he would have supported our Western way of life against a rising tide of totalitarian regimes of various denominations. In each of these aspects he presented a fundamental difference from Obama. But he lost, so let us discuss the reasons why.

And let me just dwell on the one element in what I wrote above that almost no one seems to understand where it says: Mitt Romney “was conservative to an exceptional degree.” It really ought not to have mattered to any conservative since all you had to know was that he wasn’t Barack Obama but since Romney was much much more than that the question does remain why so many people who ought to have known better preferred to take their cues from The New York Times and Washington Post rather than – as just an example of what they might have done – reading Romney’s No Apology instead. It is a book that, cover to cover, could just as easily have been written by Ronald Reagan. And I can only say that if you didn’t do everything you could to see Romney in the White House, you share some of the heavy responsibility for the policies and problems we are enduring today. The effort and political cost of trying to shave some measly and near infinitesimal proportion of the level of government spending is only one of the outcomes America and the rest of us will have to endure. And so far as any single policy question that has already or will show up at the White House over the next four years, the one thing I am very confident about is that Romney’s first instincts would have been similar to mine and to most of those who show up on this site. They would certainly have been different from Obama’s.

And just who was this mystery Republican candidate – so filled with charisma, so potentially popular, so completely electable and yet so deeply conservative – where was this mystery candidate who stood in the wings rather than come forward? Who was this person who might have won where Romney only just fell short. You know, the one who would have turned the media from insanely hostile into being no more than slightly on the negative side of neutral? You know, the candidate who could make all those promises to cut back on welfare and yet have the vote of at least half of the 47% locked up. You know the one who might have picked up say 100 votes in those 59 precincts in Philadelphia where Romney did not get a single one.

No candidate is perfect but if I was going to point out a flawed candidate from the last election, the one I would choose would certainly not be Mitt Romney. That so many who think they are this side of the fence could not see how pivotal the election was and how important it was that Romney win and Obama lose makes me wonder just how impaired their political judgment must be. And that they could not see the virtues of Romney makes me wonder even more.

Why aren’t the dissidents in the majority?

Having put up a post on Janet Yellen, the Vice Chair of the Federal Reserve in the US, I now find in today’s AFR that she’s hot favourite to become the next Chairman when Bernanke leaves. I, of course, expect nothing less from Obama. He has a knack for those kinds of things, but even so.

And while the article was naturally all about what a great choice her appointment would be, there were two very interesting side notes to give a bit of balance and perhaps some reason for second thoughts. First there was this:

Her record is not without fault. Yellen ran the San Francisco Fed – when it was right in the eye of the sub-prime storm – from 2004 to 2010, before Barack Obama promoted her to her current role as vice-chairman.

Two huge mortgage lenders – Countrywide and WAMU – collapsed under her watch.

Wow, she was the one responsible for overseeing Countrywide! Obviously just the person to run the entire show. And then there is a discussion of the other candidate for the Fed chair whose views seem to coincide with my own. From the article:

Yellen dismissed the views of dissidents such as Richard Fisher of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas who say [current] policies incite risky investing, distort markets and store up trouble for the future. . . .

Fisher is an emphatic opponent of QE and ultra-low rates. He argues they distort financial markets, defy an orderly exit and could fuel inflation.

This is the view of “dissidents”? It is surely the plainest common sense. The real worry is that central banks are now run by people who cannot understand what incredible risks are being run and just how badly it could all turn out.

Warring on aggregate demand

say and keynes

I have an article at Mises Daily today with the title, “The Errors of Keynes’s Critics”. I wrote it in reply to an article published a few weeks ago with the title, The Errors of Keynes. Goodness knows there are enough of such errors and it is a blessing to find someone else taking the Keynesian apparatus on. But if it is to be done, it needs to be done with care, and if you are going to invoke Say’s Law as this article did, it is essential in my view to get the central point right. The problem with this critque of Keynesian economics, which was a review of a book written in Spanish by Juan Ramón Rallo which had made the same points, was that it used Keynesian arguments as a means to refute Keynes. What I wrote was this:

Rallo thus attempts to controvert Keynes by confirming everything he wrote. People really do hoard, Rallo argues, and store money rather than spend. There really is a deficiency of demand in the short-to-medium term that may finally work itself out in the long run, in three-to-five years perhaps. Overproduction is impossible, but only ‘ultimately,’ and in the meantime it can occur. Involuntary unemployment does apparently occur because of some problem on the demand side of the economy due to hoarding. However, rather than this deficiency of demand being a bad thing, it’s a good thing, since the hoarding allows business to think about what to do next.

All very well, but as I pointed out, if you are Keynesian such as Krugman, once you agree that demand deficiency is a problem and people actually do hoard then it also licenses the government to come to the rescue with a stimulus package that will short-circuit the time period between income earned and income spent. Here is not the place to explain what’s wrong with the argument, but that there is something wrong with the theor is a conclusion that ought to have become more evident with each passing day as we bear witness to the immense damage the stimulus has caused. My conclusion:

If you want to get to the essence of Say’s Law you must never think in terms of aggregate demand and aggregate supply. Just drop it from all conceptual discussions of the economy and I think, although I can’t be sure, you will find yourself necessarily thinking about issues in the same way as the Classical economists. As I have argued in my Say’s Law and the Keynesian Revolution (Elgar 1998), if you want to defeat Keynesian economics, you need to wage war on the very notion of aggregate demand. Nothing else will do.

Really, nothing else will do. There are austerity packages in place but they are half-hearted and uncertain. There is little serious understanding of the economics that lies beneath the need to eliminate unproductive public spending if recovery is going to take hold. Maybe there is some other way to think it through and reach not just the right conclusions but also allow policy makers to explain with confidence why what they are doing needs to be done. Maybe. But to me unless you war on the very idea that demand for anything at all can help move an economy out of recession, I do not see how this Keynesian blight can ever be removed.

And let me finally express my gratitude to the editors at Mises Daily. Not everyone is as open to such discussions as they have very clearly shown themselves to be.

My reply to Russ Roberts on the minimum wage

Here’s my reply to Russ Robert’s query about the Australian minimum wage.

Dear Russ

You may recall that I visited with you about a year ago at George Mason where we discussed, amongst other things, Say’s Law and Keynesian economics. But why I am writing now is because yesterday, when I opened Cafe Hayek as I regularly do, I found your query about the Australian minimum wage which is less of a puzzle to us here than it seems to be elsewhere. I will go into this a bit, but before I do I should just mention that I was the Chief Economist of the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) for a quarter of a century which drew me right into the very heart of the Australian industrial relations system. Although this won’t mean much in America, I wrote something like a hundred economic submissions in various test cases on industrial relations issues over the years, about a third of which dealt with the National Wage Case, which is the name given the process of minimum wage adjustment here in Australia. We have a quite unique industrial relations system and while it never appeals to anyone else – it hardly appeals to anyone here – it is a piece of institutional genius which has lasted for more than a century. It’s not perfect but then again nothing is.

Now when I saw your post the first thing I did was post it on our own blog here asking for comments. You can see the posting and the comments here.

What seems to surprise many others about Australia is how well we have fared during the period following the GFC. But there were three aspects of the post-2009 period that made the all important difference. The first was the economic policies of the previous Liberal Government from 1996 through to 2004 in which not only did Australia almost continuously run a surplus but we were the only country in the world that had zero debt. By sometime around 2001, the surplus could not even be used to pay off debt since there was none. So money was placed in a “future fund” which left the finances here in Australia extraordinarily robust when the GFC finally came.

There is then, secondly, our incredibly well managed financial system. Our banks held virtually none of the toxic assets that had weighed down the economies of other developed economies. But beyond that, we have a central bank that was the first to raise interest rates after the GFC and has kept them high every since. There is no easy money rolling around inside Australia. Artificially low interest rates are recognised by our central bank as part of the problem and not part of any sound solution.

Then, thirdly, the Chinese stimulus, whatever it may have done for China, caused a mining boom in Australia that continues. Rather than a disastrous downturn, our downturn was generally mild. Unemployment did shoot up from the low of 3.9% when the GFC began to reach 5.8% at its highest point. Sounds good to others but we did experience the two percentage points rise in the unemployment rate and avoided the official definition of two consecutive quarters of contraction by something like 0.2 percentage points. We had a recession but it did not last very long mostly because of the Chinese demand for resources which allowed Australia to pull forward almost immediately.

We naturally had a Keynesian stimulus which has been a cause of major havoc ever since. Billions entirely wasted. The debt and deficits that have accrued since 2009 have completely overturned the incredible position our Labor Government inherited. Having started with zero debt and no deficit, both are now high and uncontrolled. Our situation only looks good to others because no one appreciates the benchmarks which these outcomes have originated from.

Turning to the minimum wage, it is high on an exchange rate basis but in purchasing power parity terms is not as good as you might think. What $15 will buy you in Australia is about what $8-9 might buy you America. There is also an inflation ripping through the basic elements in our cost of living due to a number of factors, not least of which is the introduction of a carbon tax.

Australia has always had just about the highest minimum wage in the OECD (only France may be higher but it’s been a long time since I looked). The minimum wage is also a lot closer to the median wage than just about anyone else, or at least it was when I was last doing these Wage Case submissions. And while the official unemployment rate may seem low by American standards, the effect of the minimum wage has been detrimental on employment outcomes with the labour market visibly deteriorating for a large number of reasons beyond the minimum wage. Were we to have the same participation rate today as we did in the middle of 2010, the unemployment rate would be something like 6.5%. If one bears in mind that the average unemployment rate from 1945 till around 1970 was 1% (yes, one percent), you can see just how high our present unemployment rate is when looked at in our own terms.

Meanwhile, I have been looking at our latest ACCI economic survey and the trends in every important category are downwards, most notably in regard to employment. We have done rather better than most because where our current government has been unable to influence all aspects of policy – such as with our central bank and with the Chinese demand for minerals – we have done rather better than most. But where they have been able to intrude their policies, such as with fiscal policy, tax, wage outcomes and industrial relations, they have been poison to the economic system with these problems about to come to a head over the next twelve months. We could quite easily be looking at an unemployment rate no different from yours a year from today.

With kind regards

Steve

The deep deep incompetence of the American Federal Reserve

You really do have to wonder if the United States will ever get out of the economic problems it is now in if this presentation by Janet Yellen, the Vice Chair of the Federal Reserve, is an example of the best that economic analysis can provide. Depressing beyond words but let me take you to a couple of the lowlights just to get some idea of just how off the mark those in charge of policy can be. First this, on monetary policy:

The Federal Reserve typically plays a large role in promoting recoveries by reducing the federal funds rate and keeping it low until the economy is again on a solid footing.

Reducing the federal funds rate tends to reduce other interest rates and boost asset prices, thus encouraging spending and investment throughout the economy.

As it has before, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) in 2007 started reducing the federal funds rate at the first signs of economic weakness and made sharper rate cuts as the recession deepened. As in some past recoveries that were disappointingly slow, the FOMC has kept rates low well after the end of the recession.

But unlike the past, by December 2008 the Committee had reduced the federal funds rate effectively to zero.

And to their astonishment, but not mine, this did not bring recovery with it so they have had to resort to other means such as flooding the economy with liquidity which again to their surprise, but not to mine, has also not brought on recovery. But why wreck only one arm of policy when you can wreck two. So here she is, musing about what has gone wrong in the American economy:

The greater amount of permanent job loss seen in the recent recession also suggests that there might have been an increase in the degree of mismatch between the skills possessed by the unemployed and those demanded by employers. This possibility and the unprecedented level and persistence of long-term unemployment in this recovery have prompted some to ask whether a significant share of unemployment since the recession is due to structural problems in labor markets and not simply a cyclical shortfall in aggregate demand.

Good question, is the problem structural – which it always is – or a shortage of aggregate demand – which it never is? Guess which answer she picks.

This question is frequently discussed by the FOMC. I cannot speak for the Committee or my colleagues, some of whom have publicly related their own conclusions on this topic. However, I see the evidence as consistent with the view that the increase in unemployment since the onset of the Great Recession has been largely cyclical and not structural. . . .

This and related research suggests to me that a broad-based cyclical shortage of demand is the main cause of today’s elevated unemployment rate.

Such hopeless ignorance and baseboard stupidity! When do you give up on a policy that has clearly not worked? When do you start wondering whether the theory you have been basing your policies on might just not be up to the task?

If the Federal Reserve were a business it would have looked to innovate or it would have died. But these people can outlast you and everyone else with their economic theories and whether they work or they don’t, on they will go and never stop expecting things to improve just around the corner. She can see that they are in the midst of the worst recovery since the Great Depression but cannot even begin to imagine that the Keynesian theory she learned as a young student might be completely wrong.

Well it is wrong, and the longer they persist with attempts to stimulate demand rather than with attempts to stimulate supply the longer the recession will run on. Not knowing the difference between the two and how policy would then be different if it’s a problem on the supply side of the economy, is inexcusable bordering on criminal negligence.

[My thanks to JA for sending me the Yellen speech.]